UKRAINE, RUSSIA, AND THE NEED FOR MULTIPOLARITY

 The war in Ukraine is a cautionary tale about the fragility of global order and the danger of silencing dissent, argues PAT ONUKWULI

War has always carried a strange allure for some confident leaders, a theatre of power where blood is the currency and glory the prize. From the annals of history, emperors and generals have often imagined war as the crucible through which their names are forged into immortality. Yet, as Walter Benjamin once warned, “There is no document of civilisation that is not at the same time a document of barbarism.”

From Thucydides’ chronicles of Athens to Hobbes’ warning in Leviathan that life in war is “nasty, brutish, and short,” war has been one of humanity’s most destructive equalisers, levelling societies by fire and ash. The tragedy unfolding in the Russia-Ukraine war fits into this paradox. A conflict that might have been avoided at the beginning, yet now consumes hundreds of thousands of lives and has destroyed billions in wealth and infrastructure.

It is not simply a European war, but a mirror of the world’s fragile order, an order fraying under the illusion of unipolar dominance. The Cold War’s bipolar balance, for all its flaws, provided checks that prevented the unrestrained absolutism now witnessed. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the West’s divided responses, and Donald Trump’s new attempts to broker peace all remind us of a simple but uncomfortable truth: the world is always safer when power is balanced between at least two poles, not hoarded in the hands of one.

At the heart of this war lies a geopolitical miscalculation. When Russia demanded binding guarantees that Ukraine would not be admitted into NATO, Western capitals refused. The demand was portrayed as blackmail rather than an existential security concern. Today, as former President Donald Trump openly declares that he does not envisage Ukraine ever becoming a NATO member, one wonders whether history might have unfolded differently had this assurance been given earlier. The absence of such guarantees not only deepened mistrust but also provided Moscow with the narrative of encirclement that justified its full-scale invasion in 2022.

Again, Trump’s recent attempts to broker peace between Russia and Ukraine underscore the irony. He has positioned himself as a mediator, working toward a direct meeting between Vladimir Putin and Volodymyr Zelensky. Reports from his summit with Putin in Alaska suggest that Trump carried proposals which favoured Russia’s insistence on territorial concessions. At the same time, the European Union raised concerns that such moves could entrench aggression rather than resolve it. It is the quintessential theatre of power politics: the strong dictating the terms, while smaller nations struggle for survival within frameworks designed by others.

This war connects with other flashpoints in the global order. The violence in Gaza between Israel and the Palestinians, and the shadow conflict between Israel and Iran, echo the same grammar of absolutism, the insistence of one party to impose a single narrative at the expense of others. Whether in international politics, national governance, or even local family meetings, authoritarianism breeds only resistance and bitterness. A one-party state that vilifies the opposition, or a community leader who brooks no dissent, mirrors the same instinct that drives nations to war: the refusal to accommodate plural voices. History consistently shows that peace built on domination is no peace at all, only the silence of the graveyard.

For Nigeria and West Africa, this conflict is not a distant theatre. The war has shaken global food supply chains, particularly the export of wheat and fertilisers that African economies depend on. Rising fuel prices and disrupted logistics have led to food inflation in Nigerian markets and increased insecurity in rural communities. Nigeria, already wrestling with insurgency and separatist tensions, has learned that in a world where great powers make transactional bargains, smaller states cannot rely solely on distant allies. Nigeria’s peace and survival depend on building resilient local economies, strengthening ECOWAS partnerships, and advancing inclusive governance at home.

Philosophically, the Russia–Ukraine conflict resonates with Walter Scheidel’s concept in The Great Leveller, where he identifies war as one of the “four horsemen” that level societies through destruction and redistribution. The levelling power of war is never benign; it flattens not only inequality but also communities, livelihoods, and hope itself.

The lessons are profound. In a multipolar or even bipolar world, there exists a measure of checks and balances, where no single power can impose its diktat unchallenged. But in a unipolar environment, whether global or domestic, the temptation to impose harsh settlements becomes irresistible. That is why Nigeria must resist the drift toward absolutism in its own politics, where opposition voices are easily branded enemies of the state. Nigeria’s democracy, fragile as it is, can only mature if there is a conscious maintenance of the plural voices that make dialogue possible.

In the end, the war in Ukraine is not just about territory in Eastern Europe. It is a cautionary tale about the fragility of global order and the danger of silencing dissent. As Trump attempts to script himself into the role of peacemaker, the hope now is that lasting peace returns to Ukraine, not the brittle silence of surrender, but a settlement that recognises mutual security and spares further bloodshed; otherwise, humanity risks returning again and again to war, chasing illusions of glory but constantly dissolving into smouldering ruins and the haunting calm of emptiness. And as Europe grapples with its own anxieties about appeasement, the rest of the world must take stock.

Nigeria, which has had its bitter lessons, must pay heed. The Biafran conflict of 1967–1970 claimed millions of lives and left wounds that still haunt its national psyche more than half a century later. A war fought in the name of unity, yet it birthed mistrust, marginalisation, and unhealed grievances that echo in today’s politics. The ghosts of Biafra remind us that war never truly ends when the guns fall silent; its shadows persist in memory, in exclusion, and in the unfinished work of reconciliation. That is why Nigeria must read Ukraine’s tragedy not as distant news, but as a mirror of what happens when dialogue gives way to absolutism. Therefore, Nigeria must anchor itself in strong institutions, protect its borders, and invest in inclusive governance so that peace does not remain an abstraction but becomes a lived experience for its people.

Dr. Onukwuli, a legal scholar and public affairs analyst, writes from Bolton, UK. patonukwuli2003@yahoo.co.uk

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    CURBING INCESSANT ROAD ACCIDENTS

    CURBING INCESSANT ROAD ACCIDENTS

    Road traffic accidents have become one of the foremost public health and developmental challenges confronting Nigeria today. Statistics consistently show that road crashes remain among the leading causes of death in the country, particularly affecting citizens within the most productive age bracket. Yet, despite the magnitude of the problem and the heavy toll on lives and livelihoods, the issue has not been accorded the seriousness it deserves.

    The causes of these incessant tragedies are well known. Nigeria’s deplorable road infrastructure, coupled with reckless driving behaviour, deliberate disobedience of traffic laws, poor vehicle maintenance, and the rising menace of heavy-duty trucks and petroleum tankers, has turned our highways into death traps. The repeated incidents of truck crashes and fuel tanker explosions, often resulting in scores of fatalities, underline the scale of the national tragedy. Sadly, these losses are treated as routine occurrences rather than preventable disasters demanding urgent action.

    It must be stated unequivocally that the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), as currently constituted, cannot shoulder this burden alone. The Corps is underfunded, underpowered, and overstretched. Most troubling is the fact that the FRSC does not have offices in all 774 Local Government Areas of the federation, a structural deficiency that severely limits its enforcement and response capacity. Without a deliberate effort to strengthen the Corps, the scourge of road crashes will persist unchecked.

    What is required is a comprehensive reform that expands the FRSC’s presence to every local government, enhances its funding and logistics, and crucially, empowers it with the political and legal authority to decisively arrest and prosecute reckless drivers. These measures must be taken irrespective of the influence of those involved, for the law must serve as a shield for the innocent and a deterrent to would-be offenders.

    It is perplexing that while the aviation sector enjoys robust attention and stringent safety oversight, the road transport sector used daily by millions of Nigerians remains dangerously neglected. Aviation safety is essential, but it must be recognised that road accidents claim far more lives annually. The same rigor, investment, and seriousness devoted to air safety must be extended to our roads, for road accidents, like air crashes, are no respecter of persons.

    Furthermore, state governments must not abdicate responsibility. States yet to establish road traffic management agencies should do so without delay, thereby complementing the efforts of the FRSC. The challenge of road safety demands collaboration between federal and state governments, with coordinated strategies backed by adequate resources, manpower, and modern enforcement tools.

    The truth is stark: every fatal road accident is a preventable tragedy. Nigeria cannot continue to lose its citizens, the very drivers of its economy and development on account of weak enforcement, infrastructural decay, and governmental indifference. It is therefore imperative for all levels of government to rise above rhetoric and act decisively.

    The time to halt these needless deaths is now.

     Tochukwu Obi,jimobi83@gmail.com

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    Road traffic accidents have become one of the foremost public health and developmental challenges confronting Nigeria today. Statistics consistently show that road crashes remain among the leading causes of death
    The post CURBING INCESSANT ROAD ACCIDENTS appeared first on THISDAYLIVE.

    OLUKOYEDE AND FIGHT AGAINST FINANCIAL CRIMES

    OLUKOYEDE AND FIGHT AGAINST FINANCIAL CRIMES

     LEWIS CHUKWUMA argues that the EFCC under Olukoyede is not a tool deployed by the government against its opponents

    Clearly, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s pick, the fifth Executive Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Mr. Olanipekun Olukoyede, whose appointment was subsequently confirmed by the Nigerian Senate on October 18, 2023, knew he wasn’t headed to a tea party as arrowhead of the nation’s lead anti-corruption agency.

    His compelling managerial and professional background essentially denied him any illusions as to what the appointment meant, assuming he nursed any. Succinctly stated, the Commission’s mission is “To eradicate economic and financial crimes through prevention, enforcement and coordination.” In appointing Olukoyede, Mr. President of course did not take the decision lightly given the overarching vision he had enunciated for a new Nigerian state.

    Towards achieving the Commissions crucial mandate, President Tinubu gave Olukoyede the requisite free hand to do his job, the best way he understands it. The EFCC Czar who hit the ground running has brought an evangelical fervour to the fight against economic and financial crimes. Many may not know that he is, by the way, is a Pastor in a Pentecostal Church. 

    But then, it was Nuhu Ribadu, first head of EFCC and currently the National Security Adviser (NSA), who gave an inkling into what tackling corruption in Nigeria really meant when he famously said that, “When you Fight Corruption, it Fights Back.” Ribadu was absolutely correct.

    Recently, it has been observed with great concern, the malicious attacks and deliberate efforts to blackmail the lead anti-corruption agency, EFCC, through sponsored influencers, incentivised opinion publications in some national dailies, online and electronic platforms, all targeted at discouraging anti-corruption efforts and shielding kleptocrats from thorough investigation. The pattern is clear: there is an unfolding plot of surreptitious moves to backpedal on the progress made by the EFCC, especially under the leadership of Mr. Olanipekun Olukoyede.

    It could be recalled that some reports had recently suggested that Bayo Ojulari, Group Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), was allegedly pressured into signing a resignation letter by EFCC and DSS operatives. But the EFCC stated clearly that if there was such a development, it was not part of it. The presidency had also denied the allegations and affirmed that Ojulari, appointed in April 2025 to lead reforms within the organization remains the organization’s substantive head.

    The controversy flowed from allegations surrounding a $21 million (N34.65 billion) corruption scandal. Civil society groups, including OilWatch Nigeria and the Workers’ Rights Alliance, have called for Ojulari’s arrest and prosecution.

    These groups referenced claims that Abdullahi Bashir Haske, a detained associate, allegedly confessed to holding the funds on Ojulari’s behalf. At a press conference on 31 July at EFCC headquarters, the coalition accused Ojulari of economic sabotage, citing the prolonged shutdown of Nigeria’s refineries and alleged plans to privatise NNPCL assets.

    The coalition has launched a three-day protest, beginning 1 August, at the National Assembly, NNPCL headquarters, and EFCC offices, to press their demands. Additional allegations centre on a $21 million kickback scheme involving oil traders and pipeline contractors, reportedly uncovered after Ojulari reassigned fund collection responsibilities. This prompted a whistleblower to alert the EFCC, which subsequently froze the implicated account.

    In May 2025, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) had urged both the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) to investigate claims that N500 billion was not remitted by NNPCL to the Federation Account between October and December 2024.

    Of course, if there are established grounds to go after the head of any governmental organization, it is within the mandated purview of the EFCC to act. The current leadership of the Commission under Olukoyede brooks no breaches of its clearly stated mandate, no matter whose ox is gored.

    So, it is with great concern that the increasing attacks and deliberate efforts to blackmail the lead anti-corruption agency, EFCC, should be resisted. If mere speculations that the EFCC is after its NNPCL top hierarchy had sparked a ridiculous, groundless fightback, endangering the extensive gains recorded by the EFCC in recent times, this must be appropriately countered and neutralised.

    Today, the nation’s refineries are in tatters despite tales of multi-billion dollars TAMs. That should grip the attention of the top hierarchy of NNPCL, and certainly not spending energy funding ridiculous witch hunts.

    Further key focus should also rather be directed at the budgetary allocations to the EFCC and other anti-corruption institutions which are inadequate, and certainly not counterproductive attacks. Poor resource allocation will gradually push the EFCC and other kindred agencies towards extinction. By limiting their resources, the government is unwittingly crippling their abilities to function effectively and independently.

    To truly establish a flourishing democracy, transparency and accountability must be strictly adhered to in governance. Strengthening institutions that combat corruption is crucial.

     Recently, the EFCC Chair painted a picture of the achievements of the EFCC under his watch, denying any charge of impunity. To be fair, there has been relatively less hysteria in Olukoyede’s campaign against corruption as he demonstrably regards the battle as a collective responsibility and wants an all-of society-approach.

    It will be recalled that he is the first EFCC Chairman to admit publicly that there is corruption even within the EFCC. In 2024, Olukoyede sacked 27 of his own men for misconduct and fraudulent activities. He also ordered a probe into an alleged fraud of $400,000 linked to a sectional head of the EFCC. But perhaps what is more remarkable about the EFCC these days, is that there have been no serious allegations that the agency is being used for political vendetta.

    It is encouraging that the EFCC is making good progress in fighting cybercrimes. Assets are being recovered from yahoo guys and restituted to the victims. These criminals are hurting genuine international transactions.

    The biggest traditional criticism of the EFCC is that it is a political tool deployed by the federal government against its opponents. This has certainly died down under the Olukoyede era. Also, Nigerians often complain about the EFCC’s heavy-handedness in its operations, such as storming hostels and hotels in the dead of the night and turning things upside down. The current EFCC boss has effectively changed that narrative.

    Olukoyede has also demonstrated an inclination to do things in a civil way, a far departure from the past hostile engagement template. He should upscale his commission’s public sensitisation campaign. And this should not be confused with media relations. This will definitely secure the buy-in of Nigerians.

    President Tinubu’s appointment of Mr. Olanipekun Olukoyede as the fifth Executive Chairman of EFCC was confirmed by the Nigerian Senate on October 18, 2023. Mr. President did not take the decision lightly given the overarching vision he had enunciated for a new, corruption-free Nigeria state.

    A legal practitioner and Certified Fraud Examiner, (CFE), Olukoyede is a regulatory compliance consultant with specialty in compliance management, corporate intelligence and fraud management. He has considerable insight and experience in the investigation and civil litigation of fraud and financial crimes.

    The EFCC Chairman is also a consultant on manpower development who has undertaken several anti-corruption surveys and reviews for a number of law enforcement agencies, government institutions and corporate organizations both locally and internationally. His forte also include anti-corruption research and analysis, corporate and business intelligence.

    In the course of his career, the 5th EFCC Executive Chairman has had the privilege to participate in very important national and international committees, including membership of the Fraud Advisory Panel (UK) and the Federal Government Technical Committee on the Repositioning of the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU).

    A prolific scholar, his publications include Anti-corruption and Fraud Systems Study and Review in Organizations; Nigerian Banking and Insurance Law Reports; Corporate Law Review; Contract and Procurement Fraud Analysis, 2007; Fraud Risk Analysis & Management; Corporate Fraud Investigation Management; Employment & Employee’s Fraud and Managing Fraud Investigation.

    Against this background, it’s then not surprising that the EFCC boss has emerged a quiet pillar and efficient sheriff as the Commission continues to prove to Nigerians that there is no political vendetta in its game plan.

     Chukwuma writes from Abuja

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     LEWIS CHUKWUMA argues that the EFCC under Olukoyede is not a tool deployed by the government against its opponents Clearly, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s pick, the fifth Executive Chairman of the
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