HOW TO STAND TALL FOR AN INDEPENDENT BAR

 A Bar and a legal profession that lacks independence cannot stand out nor stand tall, contends CHIDI ANSELM ODINKALU

       In 1981, Chief Gani Fawehinmi was already 16 years at the Nigerian Bar and one of its brightest stars. Already a breakout litigator, Gani had also become a pioneer in the enterprise of legal publishing. One decade earlier, he had served the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) as its national publicity secretary. Among the lawyers of his or, in fact, any other generation active at the Bar, there were few who could claim to be more accomplished.

       The hallmark of excellence in legal practice in Nigeria, the rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), was a mere six years old at the time. Then – as now – the Legal Practitioners Privileges Committee (LPPC) was the statutory body established to consider and determine eligible applicants for the rank. As always, it was chaired by the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN). By any measure, Gani Fawehinmi was more than eligible to take the rank in 1981.

       Instead of sending him to the LPPC, however, then Attorney-General of the Federation, Richard Akinjide, a SAN since 1978 and eighth on the all-time list of SANs, sent Gani to the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC) for the supposedly high professional crime daring to announce the existence of a path-breaking law reporting enterprise in which he was engaged. As the Attorney-General of the Federation, Akinjide happened to sit on the LPPC and was also the chair of the LPDC. Vocational or institutional independence for the legal profession was alien to this design.

The complaint against Gani seemed pre-determined. So, he sued. When Candide Ademola Johnson, Chief Judge of Lagos State, ruled in Gani’s favour at the first instance, Akinjide’s LPDC was unhappy. They appealed to the Federal Court of Appeal (as it was called then) and lost. An implacable LPDC appealed to the Supreme Court. Four years after Gani first sued, in July 1985, the Supreme Court tossed the appeal of Akinjide’s LPDC with a unanimous judgment in his favour.

       With a case pending before the courts over the lawfulness of the plan by the legal establishment to throw the kitchen sink at him, Gani was frozen out of consideration for elevation to the rank of SAN. His credentials were irrelevant. Indeed, it was rumoured with more than a modest whiff of credibility that they did approach him with an offer to concede the legal proceedings in return for a favorable consideration for elevation to the rank. He reportedly declined.

By the time the Supreme Court decided the case in July 1985, the cast of actors was different and the issues were about to get even more interesting. At the end of September 1983, Akinjide ceased to be Attorney-General of the Federation and, with that, also departed as the chair of the LPDC. When the Supreme Court handed down its judgment in July 1985, the chair was Chike Offodile, then Attorney-General to military ruler, Muhammadu Buhari.

By then, Gani was already deep in another battle with the legal profession as to how to approach Gen. Buhari’s military and anti-corruption tribunals. The NBA asked lawyers to boycott them; Gani refused. The month after the Supreme Court rendered its judgment in his favour in 1985, the Buhari regime was overthrown.

Bola Ajibola, the new Attorney-General of the Federation, was the president of the Bar whose call on lawyers to boycott the military tribunals went unheeded by Gani. When Gani’s name came up the following year for consideration for the rank of SAN, it ended up in the bin. In September 2001, more than two decades after he emerged as perhaps the most eligible to take the rank, Nigeria’s legal and political establishments yielded ground and finally conceded the rank of SAN to Gani Fawehinmi.

Gani’s is the most obvious and most willful exclusion from the rank and for political reasons. He is by no means the only one. Former president of the NBA, Alao Aka Basorun and late lawyer to Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, Kanmi Isola Osobu, were two others probably passed over because of their ideological leanings. Political reasons similarly explain the reason why former Attorney-General of the Federation, Olu Onagoruwa, was passed over for the rank until 2014 when he was too unwell to attend the investiture.

Among the living, former Attorney-General of Lagos and former Chair of the Body of Benchers, Hairat Balogun; Ayo Obe; and Jide Ogundipe are three examples of outstanding litigators whose exclusion from the rank casts aspersions on any claims to objectivity in the decision making process for its conferment.

When, therefore, he claimed in a release on 18 August 2025 that the conferment of the rank of SAN “is not a political appointment, nor is it an executive patronage”, former General Secretary of the NBA, Olumuyiwa Akinboro SAN (who is also running to be the next president of the Nigerian Bar), indulged in both historical inaccuracy and factual revisionism. He was wrong on both claims and he knew it. Mr. Akinboro’s beef was with the requirement for the State Security Service (SSS) to screen candidates for elevation to the rank of SAN.

It is useful to note what Mr. Akinboro chose not to see. First, the requirement for the screening by the SSS is contained in the Guidelines for the Conferment of the rank of SAN made in October 2022 by then CJN and Chair of the LPPC, Olukayode Ariwoola.

Second, those Guidelines specifically required the screening to be conducted respectively by three agencies: the Independent Corrupt Practice Commission (ICPC); the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC); and the SSS. Mr. Akinboro could not be bothered to acknowledge that these were rules made by the CJN; nor did he notice that they also required the EFCC and the ICPC to do the same.

Third, Mr. Akinboro justified his intervention with an emotive appeal to the need not to compromise the rank of SAN and to preserve the “independence of the courts”. Perhaps he did not know that the rules on judicial appointments made by the National Judicial Council (NJC) require also that a recommendation for judicial appointment from the Judicial Service Commission shall be accompanied by a “report by the Department of State Security (sic) on the suitability of the candidate for appointment to a Judicial Office supported by verifiable facts on which the report is based.” The agency referred to here as “Department of State Security” is exactly the same one that the SAN Guidelines call SSS. Mr. Akinboro sees nothing wrong with candidates for judicial appointments going through the same process which he says intrude into the independence of the SAN application process. Apparently what is bad for the rank of SAN is good for the judiciary.

It is evident that these ebullitions from Mr. Akinboro and his ilk do not come from a place of principle. It is not about independence of the legal profession nor is it about a commitment to professional excellence. Instead, these kinds of views seek assurances of privilege for a few procured at the expense of the many and all under the convenient artifice of “independence” of the legal profession.

Interestingly, this occurs in the week that the NBA begins its annual general conference in Enugu, Eastern Nigeria, under the very fitting theme: “Stand Out; Stand Tall.” A Bar and a legal profession that lacks independence cannot stand out nor stand tall. An independent legal profession would have challenged the Ariwoola Guidelines promptly in 2022 rather than wait until after three years later to mis-represent their import for cheap politics. In any case, a CJN would not be the person making the rules for the quality mark of an independent Bar.

Independence of the legal profession is not a privilege handed out on a platter. It is fought for. Lack of independence is congenital design flaw in the institutions of Nigeria’s legal profession. For the record, regimes of exceptionalism such as that advocated for by Mr. Akinboro, do not advance the cause of independence. That is not to say that independence is not a desirable goal. Rather, it is an acknowledgement that Nigeria’s legal profession is nowhere near that goal. Identifying the steps required to get there could usefully preoccupy the NBA in Enugu this week.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu

The post HOW TO STAND TALL FOR AN INDEPENDENT BAR appeared first on THISDAYLIVE.

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    CURBING INCESSANT ROAD ACCIDENTS

    CURBING INCESSANT ROAD ACCIDENTS

    Road traffic accidents have become one of the foremost public health and developmental challenges confronting Nigeria today. Statistics consistently show that road crashes remain among the leading causes of death in the country, particularly affecting citizens within the most productive age bracket. Yet, despite the magnitude of the problem and the heavy toll on lives and livelihoods, the issue has not been accorded the seriousness it deserves.

    The causes of these incessant tragedies are well known. Nigeria’s deplorable road infrastructure, coupled with reckless driving behaviour, deliberate disobedience of traffic laws, poor vehicle maintenance, and the rising menace of heavy-duty trucks and petroleum tankers, has turned our highways into death traps. The repeated incidents of truck crashes and fuel tanker explosions, often resulting in scores of fatalities, underline the scale of the national tragedy. Sadly, these losses are treated as routine occurrences rather than preventable disasters demanding urgent action.

    It must be stated unequivocally that the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), as currently constituted, cannot shoulder this burden alone. The Corps is underfunded, underpowered, and overstretched. Most troubling is the fact that the FRSC does not have offices in all 774 Local Government Areas of the federation, a structural deficiency that severely limits its enforcement and response capacity. Without a deliberate effort to strengthen the Corps, the scourge of road crashes will persist unchecked.

    What is required is a comprehensive reform that expands the FRSC’s presence to every local government, enhances its funding and logistics, and crucially, empowers it with the political and legal authority to decisively arrest and prosecute reckless drivers. These measures must be taken irrespective of the influence of those involved, for the law must serve as a shield for the innocent and a deterrent to would-be offenders.

    It is perplexing that while the aviation sector enjoys robust attention and stringent safety oversight, the road transport sector used daily by millions of Nigerians remains dangerously neglected. Aviation safety is essential, but it must be recognised that road accidents claim far more lives annually. The same rigor, investment, and seriousness devoted to air safety must be extended to our roads, for road accidents, like air crashes, are no respecter of persons.

    Furthermore, state governments must not abdicate responsibility. States yet to establish road traffic management agencies should do so without delay, thereby complementing the efforts of the FRSC. The challenge of road safety demands collaboration between federal and state governments, with coordinated strategies backed by adequate resources, manpower, and modern enforcement tools.

    The truth is stark: every fatal road accident is a preventable tragedy. Nigeria cannot continue to lose its citizens, the very drivers of its economy and development on account of weak enforcement, infrastructural decay, and governmental indifference. It is therefore imperative for all levels of government to rise above rhetoric and act decisively.

    The time to halt these needless deaths is now.

     Tochukwu Obi,jimobi83@gmail.com

    The post CURBING INCESSANT ROAD ACCIDENTS appeared first on THISDAYLIVE.

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    Road traffic accidents have become one of the foremost public health and developmental challenges confronting Nigeria today. Statistics consistently show that road crashes remain among the leading causes of death
    The post CURBING INCESSANT ROAD ACCIDENTS appeared first on THISDAYLIVE.

    OLUKOYEDE AND FIGHT AGAINST FINANCIAL CRIMES

    OLUKOYEDE AND FIGHT AGAINST FINANCIAL CRIMES

     LEWIS CHUKWUMA argues that the EFCC under Olukoyede is not a tool deployed by the government against its opponents

    Clearly, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s pick, the fifth Executive Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Mr. Olanipekun Olukoyede, whose appointment was subsequently confirmed by the Nigerian Senate on October 18, 2023, knew he wasn’t headed to a tea party as arrowhead of the nation’s lead anti-corruption agency.

    His compelling managerial and professional background essentially denied him any illusions as to what the appointment meant, assuming he nursed any. Succinctly stated, the Commission’s mission is “To eradicate economic and financial crimes through prevention, enforcement and coordination.” In appointing Olukoyede, Mr. President of course did not take the decision lightly given the overarching vision he had enunciated for a new Nigerian state.

    Towards achieving the Commissions crucial mandate, President Tinubu gave Olukoyede the requisite free hand to do his job, the best way he understands it. The EFCC Czar who hit the ground running has brought an evangelical fervour to the fight against economic and financial crimes. Many may not know that he is, by the way, is a Pastor in a Pentecostal Church. 

    But then, it was Nuhu Ribadu, first head of EFCC and currently the National Security Adviser (NSA), who gave an inkling into what tackling corruption in Nigeria really meant when he famously said that, “When you Fight Corruption, it Fights Back.” Ribadu was absolutely correct.

    Recently, it has been observed with great concern, the malicious attacks and deliberate efforts to blackmail the lead anti-corruption agency, EFCC, through sponsored influencers, incentivised opinion publications in some national dailies, online and electronic platforms, all targeted at discouraging anti-corruption efforts and shielding kleptocrats from thorough investigation. The pattern is clear: there is an unfolding plot of surreptitious moves to backpedal on the progress made by the EFCC, especially under the leadership of Mr. Olanipekun Olukoyede.

    It could be recalled that some reports had recently suggested that Bayo Ojulari, Group Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), was allegedly pressured into signing a resignation letter by EFCC and DSS operatives. But the EFCC stated clearly that if there was such a development, it was not part of it. The presidency had also denied the allegations and affirmed that Ojulari, appointed in April 2025 to lead reforms within the organization remains the organization’s substantive head.

    The controversy flowed from allegations surrounding a $21 million (N34.65 billion) corruption scandal. Civil society groups, including OilWatch Nigeria and the Workers’ Rights Alliance, have called for Ojulari’s arrest and prosecution.

    These groups referenced claims that Abdullahi Bashir Haske, a detained associate, allegedly confessed to holding the funds on Ojulari’s behalf. At a press conference on 31 July at EFCC headquarters, the coalition accused Ojulari of economic sabotage, citing the prolonged shutdown of Nigeria’s refineries and alleged plans to privatise NNPCL assets.

    The coalition has launched a three-day protest, beginning 1 August, at the National Assembly, NNPCL headquarters, and EFCC offices, to press their demands. Additional allegations centre on a $21 million kickback scheme involving oil traders and pipeline contractors, reportedly uncovered after Ojulari reassigned fund collection responsibilities. This prompted a whistleblower to alert the EFCC, which subsequently froze the implicated account.

    In May 2025, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) had urged both the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) to investigate claims that N500 billion was not remitted by NNPCL to the Federation Account between October and December 2024.

    Of course, if there are established grounds to go after the head of any governmental organization, it is within the mandated purview of the EFCC to act. The current leadership of the Commission under Olukoyede brooks no breaches of its clearly stated mandate, no matter whose ox is gored.

    So, it is with great concern that the increasing attacks and deliberate efforts to blackmail the lead anti-corruption agency, EFCC, should be resisted. If mere speculations that the EFCC is after its NNPCL top hierarchy had sparked a ridiculous, groundless fightback, endangering the extensive gains recorded by the EFCC in recent times, this must be appropriately countered and neutralised.

    Today, the nation’s refineries are in tatters despite tales of multi-billion dollars TAMs. That should grip the attention of the top hierarchy of NNPCL, and certainly not spending energy funding ridiculous witch hunts.

    Further key focus should also rather be directed at the budgetary allocations to the EFCC and other anti-corruption institutions which are inadequate, and certainly not counterproductive attacks. Poor resource allocation will gradually push the EFCC and other kindred agencies towards extinction. By limiting their resources, the government is unwittingly crippling their abilities to function effectively and independently.

    To truly establish a flourishing democracy, transparency and accountability must be strictly adhered to in governance. Strengthening institutions that combat corruption is crucial.

     Recently, the EFCC Chair painted a picture of the achievements of the EFCC under his watch, denying any charge of impunity. To be fair, there has been relatively less hysteria in Olukoyede’s campaign against corruption as he demonstrably regards the battle as a collective responsibility and wants an all-of society-approach.

    It will be recalled that he is the first EFCC Chairman to admit publicly that there is corruption even within the EFCC. In 2024, Olukoyede sacked 27 of his own men for misconduct and fraudulent activities. He also ordered a probe into an alleged fraud of $400,000 linked to a sectional head of the EFCC. But perhaps what is more remarkable about the EFCC these days, is that there have been no serious allegations that the agency is being used for political vendetta.

    It is encouraging that the EFCC is making good progress in fighting cybercrimes. Assets are being recovered from yahoo guys and restituted to the victims. These criminals are hurting genuine international transactions.

    The biggest traditional criticism of the EFCC is that it is a political tool deployed by the federal government against its opponents. This has certainly died down under the Olukoyede era. Also, Nigerians often complain about the EFCC’s heavy-handedness in its operations, such as storming hostels and hotels in the dead of the night and turning things upside down. The current EFCC boss has effectively changed that narrative.

    Olukoyede has also demonstrated an inclination to do things in a civil way, a far departure from the past hostile engagement template. He should upscale his commission’s public sensitisation campaign. And this should not be confused with media relations. This will definitely secure the buy-in of Nigerians.

    President Tinubu’s appointment of Mr. Olanipekun Olukoyede as the fifth Executive Chairman of EFCC was confirmed by the Nigerian Senate on October 18, 2023. Mr. President did not take the decision lightly given the overarching vision he had enunciated for a new, corruption-free Nigeria state.

    A legal practitioner and Certified Fraud Examiner, (CFE), Olukoyede is a regulatory compliance consultant with specialty in compliance management, corporate intelligence and fraud management. He has considerable insight and experience in the investigation and civil litigation of fraud and financial crimes.

    The EFCC Chairman is also a consultant on manpower development who has undertaken several anti-corruption surveys and reviews for a number of law enforcement agencies, government institutions and corporate organizations both locally and internationally. His forte also include anti-corruption research and analysis, corporate and business intelligence.

    In the course of his career, the 5th EFCC Executive Chairman has had the privilege to participate in very important national and international committees, including membership of the Fraud Advisory Panel (UK) and the Federal Government Technical Committee on the Repositioning of the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU).

    A prolific scholar, his publications include Anti-corruption and Fraud Systems Study and Review in Organizations; Nigerian Banking and Insurance Law Reports; Corporate Law Review; Contract and Procurement Fraud Analysis, 2007; Fraud Risk Analysis & Management; Corporate Fraud Investigation Management; Employment & Employee’s Fraud and Managing Fraud Investigation.

    Against this background, it’s then not surprising that the EFCC boss has emerged a quiet pillar and efficient sheriff as the Commission continues to prove to Nigerians that there is no political vendetta in its game plan.

     Chukwuma writes from Abuja

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     LEWIS CHUKWUMA argues that the EFCC under Olukoyede is not a tool deployed by the government against its opponents Clearly, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s pick, the fifth Executive Chairman of the
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