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UBEC, DLN Distribute 47 Milliion Laptops, Tablets to Students, Teachers

Kuni Tyessi in Abuja

The Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) has signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Digital Learning Network (DLN), to implement a comprehensive National Digital Education Transformation Project to increase access and improve quality of education.
The MoU signed at a brief ceremony at UBEC headquarters yesterday in Abuja, involving the US based corporation is to ensure distribution of 47 million laptops and tablets to students and teachers across Nigeria’s basic education sector – pre-primary, primary, and junior secondary schools.
DLN, working with Deloitte Financial Advisory, UBA Plc., Zenith Bank, and the National Credit Guarantee Company, will fully fund this transformation through private investments from development finance institutions that support its global technology partners and institutional investors.
Executive Secretary of UBEC, Aisha Garba, in her remarks, highlighted the importance of the project, saying the initiative would transform learning in pre-primary, primary, and junior secondary schools, especially in remote and underserved communities.
She noted that the project represents one of the most significant educational technology initiatives globally.
The core components, as detailed in the MoU, include: device deployment involving the distribution of 47 million DLN-branded laptops and tablets pre-loaded with digital textbooks and interactive learning materials fully aligned with the Nigerian curriculum set by the Nigerian Educational Research and Development Council (NERDC).
There would also be the deployment of a robust hybrid internet infrastructure combining 5G, local telecom partnerships, and SpaceX’s Starlink satellite technology to guarantee minimum broadband speeds of 50 Mbps for schools, even in the most remote and rural communities.
The UBEC boss further disclosed that there would also be a nationwide digital pedagogy programme for educators, administrators, and support staff in collaboration with National Teachers’ Institute to ensure alignment with national standards.
According to her, the project involves deployment of Advanced Learning Platform that would see to implementation of an AI-powered Learning Management System (LMS) for real-time student performance tracking, automated grading, and enhanced parent-teacher communication.
On his part, DLN President and CEO, Mr. Thomas Larmena, described the rollout as the largest digital education project in Africa.
“This is a unique opportunity to digitally transform Nigeria’s education sector at no cost to federal or state governments, while keeping costs low for parents and students. We have secured strong global partners including Huawei and Samsung and we are ready to roll out nationwide,” he stated.
He revealed that the project had already begun in Akwa Ibom State, with more states set to join through commitments from the Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF).
“This is a unique opportunity, and for us, with this project, it becomes the largest digital transformation education project across Africa. So we are very proud and very happy to be here, and we want to give a lot of thanks to the executive director and her team for working with us in getting the project to this stage,” he said.

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Kuni Tyessi in Abuja The Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) has signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Digital Learning Network (DLN), to implement a comprehensive National Digital Education Transformation
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NUPRC Oversees Concession of First Deepwater Oil Blocks Under 2024 Licensing Round

Emmanuel Addeh in Abuja and Peter Uzoho in Lagos

The Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) yesterday supervised the closing ceremonies for the execution of a Production Sharing Contract (PSC) for two offshore oil blocks concessioned by the Nigerian National Petroleum (NNPC) to the TotalEnergies–Sapetro Consortium.
The closeout on the assets, Petroleum Prospecting Licences (PPLs) 2000 and 2001, THISDAY learnt, is coming about nine months after an open and transparent bid process concluded in December 2024 in Lagos threw up the two oil companies.
Speaking at the event in Abuja, the Commission Chief Executive of the NUPRC, Gbenga Komolafe, explained that the deal was made possible by the fresh impetus given to the oil sector by President Bola Tinubu, especially his Executive Orders 40, 41 and 42 which essentially deal with fiscal incentives, local content, and cost efficiency as well as contract timelines.
But Komolafe insisted that every award has very clear terms about its tenure, maintaining that in compliance with current regulatory activities, unexplored acreages are expected to be relinquished in line with the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA).
The NUPRC chief executive disclosed that TotalEnergies with over 60 years operations in Nigeria hold 80 per cent contractor interest, and Sapetro with 30 years operations hold 20 per cent contractor interest.
The two offshore blocks, he said, span about 2,000 square kilometres in the prolific Niger Delta Basin, and were a direct product of the transparent, competitive, and reform-driven framework introduced under the PIA.
Stressing that the awardees of 2000 and 2001 licensees have become beneficiaries of the laudable initiatives and reforms of the President, Komolafe urged TotalEnergies and other potential investors to take advantage of the right regulatory, fiscal and governance regime as enthroned by the industry regulator.
Besides, he lauded the NNPC and contractors for their commitment in exploration and production activities in Nigeria, highlighting the successes already recorded in Egina, Akpo and other assets held or operated by the entities.
“This PSC signals the start of a committed work programme that will help us unlock the untapped geological potential of our deepwater, expand our reserves, boost production, and strengthen Nigeria’s energy security. It also affirms our broader vision to make Nigeria the premier destination for upstream investment in Africa,” he pointed out.
According to him, the new PSC framework sets out clear terms and conditions to guide the payment of a signature bonus as stipulated in the licensing round and production bonuses tied to commercial milestones, ensuring value to the federation.
Besides, he stated that the new template will ensure a defined minimum work programme, with the requirement to provide guarantees to assure performance and clear rules on cost recovery and profit oil sharing between the federation and contractors, in line with the fiscal provisions of the PIA and applicable laws.
In the same vein, he said the framework takes very seriously issues surrounding the payment of royalties and taxes, and strict compliance with the host community development obligations as well as provisions for the treatment of associated and non-associated gas and obligations relating to decommissioning and abandonment and environmental remediation fund.
He added: “We therefore count on your operational excellence, innovation, and environmental stewardship as you implement the agreed work programme. We also expect swift and technically sound exploration, leading to early Final Investment Decisions (FIDs).
“We further urge you to deepen local content, create quality jobs, empower Nigerian businesses, develop and produce the asset in line with decarbonisation principles and uphold the highest standards of sustainability, in line with the PIA’s host community provisions,” Komolafe pointed out.
Also speaking at the event, the Group Chief Executive Officer of NNPC, Bayo Ojulari, said the PSC is the first that comprehensively covers both crude oil and natural gas in its entire scope, describing it as a milestone.
Ojulari said that tapping non-associated gas in the deep water is one of the areas the industry needed to push the frontiers, highlighting the huge performance incentives, including a $10 million signature bonus, a production bonus of 2 million and 4 million barrels or a cash payment on attainment of 35 million barrels of production.
According to him, the deal brings the NNPC a notch closer to achieving the targets set for it by the president in the next five years.
“The PSC is a major milestone that speaks to the regulator’s commitment to implement the provisions of the PIA and will bring NNPC closer to achieving the target of 3 million barrels per day and additional investments of $60 billion by the end of 2030,” Ojulari said.
In his intervention, the Managing Director of TotalEnergies, Mr. Mathieu Bouyer, mentioned that the International Oil Company (IOC) would be the first of such entities to be awarded an exploration block in the last decade.
“This moment comes after extensive deliberations, rigorous evaluations, and, above all, an open and transparent bid process concluded on December 18, 2024. We are honoured to be the first international oil company to be awarded an exploration block in 10 years and that our joint bid with our partner Sapetro was successful.
“Today marks the formal beginning of what we hope will be another chapter of value creation in Nigeria’s upstream sector. We are eager to progress swiftly and responsibly with the implementation of the agreed work programme for both blocks. We are actively progressing towards spudding our first well on the blocks in the shortest possible timeframe,” he assured.
Also, the Managing Director of Sapetro, Mr. Chukwuemeke Anagbogu, expressed his confidence in the transparency of the process that led to the closeout ceremony.
“For Sapetro, these blocks are of strategic importance. As our current production assets have shown, these new assets provide a clear path to increasing our result base and assuring our longer term production growth. They represent a transformative step forward that will play a vital role in sustaining value creation for our shareholders, our stakeholders and the nation.
“As one of the pioneer indigenous companies in Nigeria’s deep water, Sapetro is deeply committed to strengthening our presence in the sector and contributing to its continued growth.
“By investing in these assets, we reaffirm our alignment with the government’s mission of responsible resource development, local content advancement and inclusive economic progress,” he stated.

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•Komolafe lauds Tinubu for removing obstacles in oil sector•Ojulari: New deal moves NNPC closer to achieving 3m bpd, $60bn investment target by 2030•TotalEnergies says it’s first exploration block by any
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Obi: Life Expectancy in Nigeria Worse Than War-torn Ukraine, S/Sudan

•Describes Rivers council elections as rascality taken too far, mockery of democracy

Chuks Okocha in Abuja

Labour Party’s presidential candidate in 2023, Peter Obi, yesterday, painted a grim picture of life expectancy in Nigeria, stating that living in the country is as good as waiting to die.
In a publication on X, Obi bemoaned Nigeria’s unenviable status of having the lowest life expectancy in the world, with an average of 54.6 years, a record he attributed to a United Nations World Population Prospects 2025 Report.
He also pointed out that as of today, the country held two of the most dangerous health records in the world within just one year. This situation, according to the former Anambra State governor, was “a double tragedy, considering that health is one of the most critical measures of development.”
He also alleged that “another damning report shows that Nigeria is the worst country in the world to give birth, with one maternal death recorded every seven minutes”.
Obi stated, “We continue to hear heart-breaking stories of children losing their mothers during childbirth, and families losing both mother and child.
“These reports are not just statistics—they reflect the daily experience of Nigerian life. Though Nigeria is not officially at war, our life expectancy is now worse than that of war-torn countries, like Ukraine and South Sudan, all because of poor governance and a failing health system.
“These grim realities expose misplaced priorities, bad governance, and the failure to invest in one of the most vital sectors of development: the health and well-being of our citizens.
“We must urgently prioritise healthcare as a cornerstone of building our dear nation.”
A 2018 statistics by the Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS) placed the country’s maternal mortality ratio estimates at 512 deaths per 100,000 live births.
Similarly, the UN in its World Population Prospects report from March/June 2025 indicated that Nigeria’s average life expectancy was around 54.6 years, with men averaging 54.3 years and women 54.9 years.
The report stated, “Nigeria ranks as one of the countries with the lowest life expectancy in the world.”
It attributed the situation to “high infant and maternal mortality rates, infectious diseases, poor healthcare access, poverty, malnutrition, and insecurity”.
Obi described the conduct of local government elections in Rivers State by Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ekwe Ibas (rtd), the sole administrator appointed by President Bola Tinubu, as “rascality taken too far, and a mockery of democracy.”
Obi, in a thread on his official X handle, expressed regret that the exercise “represents a double tragedy for our democracy when a Sole Administrator – himself illegally appointed – dares to conduct an election that should empower the people.”
The LP 2023 presidential candidate added, “This is not democracy,” labeling the conduct of the poll as an outright desecration of the very foundation of democracy itself.
“Such actions are unconstitutional, legally untenable, and morally indefensible. They send a dangerous message that the rule of law can be discarded at the whim of those in power.
“But the truth remains unshaken: illegality can never give birth to legitimacy. Any structure erected on a foundation of lawlessness is a danger to both the state and the people.
“Nigeria cannot afford to continue on this perilous path. We cannot pretend to practise democracy while silencing the will of the people – especially at the grassroots, where democracy matters most.”
According to him, if the country must truly seek progress, Nigerians “must uphold the sanctity of the ballot, safeguard the people’s right to choose, and insist that leadership at every level flows from their mandate – not from contraptions that mock democracy.
“Only then will governance have meaning, and only then can the sacred bond of trust between leaders and the people be restored.”

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•Describes Rivers council elections as rascality taken too far, mockery of democracy Chuks Okocha in Abuja Labour Party’s presidential candidate in 2023, Peter Obi, yesterday, painted a grim picture of
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Train Derailment: Damaged Tracks to be Restored in 10 Days, Says FG

Kasim Sumaina in Kaduna

The federal government, through the Ministry of Transportation, has said work is progressing well and in the next 10 days, the damaged section of the Abuja-Kaduna tracks and coaches will be restored.
Minister of Transportation, Senator Said Ahmed Alkali, applauded stakeholders for their untiring efforts to ensure safety of passengers, workers and train facilities during the tragedy which occurred on August 26.
Alkali, who stated this after an on-the-spot inspection of the ongoing clearing of the accident scene in Asham station, Monday in Kaduna, said work was progressing well and in the next 10 days, the tracks would be restored.
He also stated that the staff of the Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC) have been working day and night to ensure that the clearing and repairing of the damaged tracks are done at the earliest possible time.
He said: “Let me start by thanking Mr. President and commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for his support since the incident happened. He has given us support to ensure that we move the locomotive and the coaches and fixed the rail line so that we will be back in operation.
“From what I have seen, I also want to commend the managing director, NRC and his team because they are on site as you can see, day and night trying to restore normalcy after the incident that occurred.
“Actually, the incident occurred at a point where we have two rail lines. Normally, we are running around two trains at a time. So there are points where the two trains will interchange. So normally, we have a point there. That is where the accident occurred. However, I am not in a position now to pre-empt the investigation, to say why the incident happened.
“I am here with the full team from the Ministry of Transportation, Director of Railway and all his engineers and even the committee doing the investigation. The CCECC are here, Civil Rights Organisation, all of us are here. So that we ensure we have done justice to the investigation.”
At the time the accident occurred, he said that the locomotive was carrying eight coaches, stressing that they have successfully moved four out of the place and we’re trying to fix the infrastructure to have a bigger crane to move the coaches and all the locomotives on the site.
“Inshallah, in the next 48 hours, we will be able to move all of them out of the site. And after that, if we don’t have any weather challenge, in the next 10 days, we are going to restore the line.
“As you can see during my tour, the area affected by the accident is about 150 meters. So it’s not something too long. We will be able to fix the sleepers, the pallets and the rail track so that we will be back to operation. It is a cardinal responsibility of the government to provide welfare for its citizens,” the minister posited.

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Kasim Sumaina in Kaduna The federal government, through the Ministry of Transportation, has said work is progressing well and in the next 10 days, the damaged section of the Abuja-Kaduna
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Osun Monarch Jailed in U.S. Over $4.2m Covid-19 Loan Fraud

The Apetu of Ipetumodu in Osun State, Oba Joseph Oloyede, has been sentenced to more than four years in prison in the United States, over a multi-million-dollar Covid-19 loan fraud.

Oloyede, 62, who holds dual Nigerian and U.S. citizenship and resides in Medina, Ohio, was on Monday, August 26, 2025, handed a 56-month prison term by U.S. District Judge Christopher A. Boyko.

According to a statement by the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Northern District of Ohio, the traditional ruler was also ordered to serve three years of supervised release after completing his jail term, and to pay $4,408,543.38 in restitution. In addition, he forfeited his Medina home on Foote Road, which investigators said was acquired with fraud proceeds, as well as an extra $96,006.89 recovered from the scheme.

Prosecutors said Oloyede led a conspiracy to exploit Covid-19 emergency loan programmes set up by the U.S. Government, to support struggling businesses during the pandemic. Between April 2020 and February 2022, Oloyede and his accomplice, Edward Oluwasanmi, submitted fraudulent applications for loans under the Small Business Administration (SBA) scheme funded by the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act.

In April, both men pleaded guilty to wire fraud and tax fraud in connection with the pandemic relief scam, which siphoned more than $4.2 million in Federal stimulus funds.

Court records showed that Oloyede, who also worked as a tax preparer, operated five businesses and one nonprofit, while Oluwasanmi ran three entities. Together, they filed loan applications using falsified information and secured about $1.2 million for Oluwasanmi’s companies and $1.7 million for Oloyede’s businesses.

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The Apetu of Ipetumodu in Osun State, Oba Joseph Oloyede, has been sentenced to more than four years in prison in the United States, over a multi-million-dollar Covid-19 loan fraud.
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Indecent Assault: Rising Scourge Against Female Dignity

Nigerian women have always been vulnerable, to domestic and workplace violence. But, sadly, there is an apparent increase in the number of incidents and reports of public indecent assault on Nigerian women. Some of these incidents involved young women who were video recorded while being humiliated, assaulted and beaten, mostly by men. Their clothes were then torn, their private areas exposed, and the video recordings of the unfortunate incidents disseminated, going viral on social media. These days, this appears to be occurring once too often. The question now being asked is, why women are being deliberately targeted for violent attacks resulting in nakedness, amounting to a breach of Section 34(1)(a) of the 1999 Constitution which guarantees the right of every individual against torture or inhuman and degrading treatment. Professor Joy Ngozi Ezeilo, SAN; Mandy Demechi-Asagba; Uju Peace Okeke and Okechukwu Nwanguma examine this issue holistically, discussing its causes and effects, proffering possible solutions to end this disgraceful trend, including enacting laws specifically criminalising such unacceptable behaviour

We Demand Dignity for Women

Professor Joy Ngozi Ezeilo, SAN

Introduction

Why do some men, especially those tasked with protecting us, choose to target women and violate their dignity?

The viral video of the female Youth Corper in Anambra State, Jennifer Elohor Edema, is a stark call for accountability: those responsible must be held to account. Who filmed this outrage, and who spread it? The answer, disturbingly, points to the security personnel themselves. This demands urgent action.

Every woman deserves respect for her dignity, her privacy, and her bodily autonomy. Let us stand up for women’s sanctuary, because justice means protecting everyone’s humanity. We demand safe cities for women. The current state of impunity, must come to an end.

Professor Ngozi Ezeilo, SAN, former Dean, University of Nigeria; former United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Trafficking

The Growing Trend of Wilful Physical Assault/ Indecent Exposure of Females in Nigeria: A Discourse

Mandy Demechi-Asagba

Introduction

Violence Against Women in Nigeria: A Prevalent Issue

In Nigeria, a significant proportion of women have experienced various forms of violence, with approximately one-third encountering violence and one-fifth suffering physical violence. Recent studies (2020-2025), highlight a disturbing trend of high sexual assault rates. Notably, a 2022 study in Dutse found that 88.3% of 283 reported cases were confirmed sexual assaults, primarily affecting children and adolescents.

Statistics from Lagos State

A recent report from Lagos State reveals 8,692 cases of domestic and sexual violence were reported between August 2024 and July 2025. Breakdown:

* Domestic Violence: 3,685 cases

* Defilement: 243 cases

* Child Abuse/Physical Assault: 244 cases

* Rape: 99 cases

* Sexual Harassment: 48 cases

* Sexual Assault by Penetration: 25 cases

The extant cases of wilful and intentional Criminal Exposure/assault with intent to humiliate and shame the victims (Comfort Emmanson, the Ibom Airline case and Jennifer Elohor Edema, the Youth Corper in Anambra) leaves one in consternation not knowing who the next victim will be. These statistics which reveal the recent surge in cases of criminal assault/exposure on females in Nigeria, underscores the need for sustained efforts to address violence against women and girls in Nigeria.

This disturbing trend, has reached an intolerable crescendo that warrants urgent attention and collective action. The brutal treatment of Miss Jennifer Elohor in Anambra State, who was beaten, her clothes torn, and dragged naked, is a stark reminder of the vulnerability of women and girls in our society. Similarly, the Comfort Emmanson case in Ibom Air, highlights the need for a national discourse on this issue. This discourse aims to examine the underlying causes of this trend, its impact on victims, and propose strategies to prevent and address these inhumane and degrading treatments. It is a violation of right to human dignity and also a criminal act – (criminal assault/exposure, dehumanisation, grievous harm et al).

What is Assault?

Section 170 (1): A person who

(a)strikes, touches, moves or otherwise applies force of any kind to the person of another, either directly or indirectly, without his/her consent; or

(b) by any bodily act, gesture, attempts or threatens to apply force of any kind to the person of another without his/her consent, in such circumstances that the person making the attempt or threatens has actual or apparent ability to effect his purpose is said to assault that other person.

(2) the term ‘applies force’ includes …,,,….the case of applying heat, light, electrical force, gas, odour or any other substance or thing whatsoever in such a degree as to cause injury or personal discomfort.

Unlawful Assault

Section 171 (1): An assault is unlawful and constitutes an offence unless it is authorised or excused by law.

It is an offence therefore, for any person or group of persons or authority, to intentionally or recklessly assault someone, be it Ibom Air, and or Vigilantes causing actual bodily harm and/ or emotional harm or stigma. Same is punishable upon conviction with 1- 7 years imprisonment or more, depending on the gravity of the harm occasioned.

See Sections 170, 171(1), 172, 173 and 245 of the Criminal Law of Lagos State 2015.

Section 173: Any person who unlawfully assaults another and thereby does him harm commits a felony and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for three (3) years.

Section 245: Any person who unlawfully does grievous harm to another commits a felony and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for seven (7) years.

The offence of indecent exposure is provided in Section 26 of the VAPP Act: a person who intentionally exposes his or her genital organs or a substantial part thereof, with the intention of causing distress to the other party, or that another person seeing it may be tempted or induced to commit an offence under this Act, commits an offence termed ‘indecent exposure’ and is liable on conviction to imprisonment of not more than one year, or to a fine of not more than N500,000.00 or both. These Laws need urgent amendment, to be all encompassing: We propose:

Proposed Amendments

It is an offence to intentionally or recklessly assault someone causing actual bodily harm and or bodily exposure. Punishable on conviction with not less than 10 years imprisonment depending on the gravity of the injury and or exposure occasioned.

“A person who intentionally exposes his or her genital organs and or exposes the genital organs or any private organ/organs or a substantial part thereof of another, with the intention of causing distress to the other party, or that another person seeing it may be tempted or induced to commit an offence or to shame the victim under this Act, commits an offence termed ‘indecent exposure’ and is liable on conviction to imprisonment not more than 10 years or to a fine not less than N10,000.000.00 or both”, to serve as a deterrent.

Causes of Indecent Criminal Assault on Females

1. Patriarchal attitudes and gender stereotypes: Deep-seated patriarchal norms and stereotypes perpetuate violence against women and girls, normalising their subordination and objectification.

2. Lack of effective law enforcement: Inadequate implementation of laws and policies protecting women’s rights, emboldens perpetrators.

3. Cultural and social norms: Harmful cultural practices and social norms condone violence against women, making it difficult for victims to seek help.

4. Limited access to justice: Victims often face barriers in accessing justice, including lack of awareness, fear of stigma, and inadequate support systems.

5. Poverty: Economic instability exacerbates vulnerability to violence.

6. Failure to report abuse: This is a licence for continuous abuse and a snag on adequate data to aid policy formulations and planning.

6. Insecurity: Weak security structures fail to protect women and girls.

7. Weak Institutions: Inadequate law enforcement and policy implementation, hinder effective response to violence.

8. Gaps in Policy Enforcement: Insufficient enforcement of laws and policies protecting women’s rights, overwhelms reporting agencies like NAPTIP.

Impact on Victims

1. Physical and emotional trauma: Victims suffer physical harm, emotional distress, and long-term psychological trauma.

2. Loss of dignity and self-worth: Indecent assault can lead to feelings of shame, guilt, and low self-esteem.

3. Social stigma and isolation: Victims may face social exclusion, stigma, and isolation, exacerbating their trauma.

4. Suicidal thoughts and suicide.

Strategies to Prevent and Address Indecent Assault

1. Strengthening laws and policies: Review and strengthen laws protecting women’s rights, ensuring effective implementation and enforcement.

2. Public awareness and education: Launch nationwide campaigns to challenge patriarchal attitudes, promote gender equality, and raise awareness about the consequences of criminal indecent assault/exposure.

3. Support systems and services: Establish accessible support services, including counselling, medical care, and legal aid, for victims of indecent assault.

4. Community engagement and mobilisation: Engage community leaders, traditional institutions, and civil society organisations in promoting women’s rights and preventing violence against women.

5. Accountability and justice: Ensure perpetrators are held accountable through swift and fair investigations, prosecutions, and punishment.

6. Victim support, protection and one-stop shop welfare access: Mental health and health services.

7. Unfettered access to justice.

8. Need to focus on ensuring implementation of laws protecting women – The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (As Amended); The Violence Against Persons Prohibition (VAPP) Act 2015; Domestic and Sexual Violence Law; the Child’s Rights Act/ Laws; the Criminal Law, National Gender Policy, National Action Plan on United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325; National Guidelines and Referral Standards on Gender Based Violence and the various Continental and international laws and Conventions, such as the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights Banj 1981; The Maputo Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa 2005; African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the African Child (1990); and The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) 1979 (popularly known as the International Bill of Rights); UN Declaration on Violence Against Women 1993; The Child’s Rights Convention,

et al.

9. Compensation and welfare package for victims of assault.

10. The Human Rights Commission and the Citizens Rights Directorates in the various States and the FCT, should rise to the occasion. We also call for adequate funding of these agencies for prompt, efficient and effective intervention

Conclusion

The growing trend of indecent assault on females in Nigeria, is a national crisis that requires a collective response. By understanding the causes, impact, and implementing strategies to prevent and address these, we can work towards creating a society where women and girls are valued, respected, and protected. It is time for Nigerians to come together to condemn these inhumane acts, and work towards a future where every female can live with dignity and safety.

A Call to Empathy and Action

Every woman should feel a deep sense of solidarity and outrage, each time a woman is subjected to the dehumanising experience of indecent assault. This heinous act is not just a violation of the individual; it is an affront to the dignity and worth of all women. For the men, be reminded that what goes around comes around. Yesterday, it was Comfort Emmanson, today it is Jennifer Elohor Edema, tomorrow it could be your daughter, sister, wife or mother. Take action now, before it is too late.

We Must Stand Together

When one woman is stripped of her dignity, we all lose a piece of our collective humanity. It’s time for us to stand together, united in our condemnation of these inhumane acts, and demand justice, protection, and respect for all women.

We must foster a culture where women feel empowered to speak out against violence and harassment, and where survivors receive the support and care they need to heal. By doing so, we can create a society that values and respects the dignity and worth of every woman.

AWLA, FIDA, NBA, National Human Rights Commission, Legal Aid Council, Directorate of Citizen’s Rights, Domestic and Sexual Violence Agency, Child Protection Network, Ministry of Youth and Social Development, Ministry of Women Affairs et al, offer free legal services to women and children whose rights are violated.

Mandy Demechi-Asagba, President (Worldwide), African Women Lawyers Association (AWLA)

Ending the Menace of Indecent Assault Against Women

Uju Peace Okeke

Introduction

Human beings are relational in nature and sometimes in these relationships, violence occurs. It can affect everyone and according to World Health Organisation (WHO), contributes nearly 8% to global annual deaths, making it a form of crime in many parts of the world. Though everyone can be a victim of violence, women are more predisposed to it. WHO reports that globally, about 30% of women suffer various forms of violence from intimate partners and non-partners, while United Nations reports that a woman is killed every 10 minutes. In condemnation of violence against women, United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, (UNDEVAW) of 1993 was adopted.

Violence Against Women (VAW)

Nigeria may not be said to be a haven for women’s rights, as there are still practices that specifically target women and impact them negatively. These are mostly perpetrated, in the guise of customs and traditions. However, Nigeria could be said to be a work in progress, having ratified International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 1985, UNDEVAW in 1993 and Protocol to the African Charter on Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol) in 2004. While CEDAW is referred to as Women’s Bill of Rights, as it prohibits all forms of discrimination against women in every sphere of life and calls on State Parties to revise social and cultural patterns driving prejudices and superiority of any sex. UNDEVAW, defined violence against women (VAW), condemned it and specifies obligations of States in its eradication, thus, changing the narratives of VAW as domestic affair to a prohibited act deserving State attention. Maputo Protocol, wearing the African Women lenses, specifically highlights issues that are not envisaged in CEDAW while furthering the UNDEVAW. It dedicates articles prohibiting different forms of VAW, which it defined as

“all acts perpetrated against women which cause or could cause them physical, sexual, psychological, and economic harm, including the threat to take such acts; or to undertake the imposition of arbitrary restrictions on or deprivation of fundamental freedoms in private or public life in peace time and during situations of armed conflicts or of war”;

Violence against Persons (Prohibition) Act (VAPPA) and VAW

The combined provisions of these treaties cover every form of violence, that a Nigerian woman would ever face. Nigeria enacted the Violence against Persons Prohibition Act (VAPPA) in 2015. Though the VAPPA is not women-specific, but bars every form of violence against everyone, it adopts Maputo Protocol’s definition and outlaws physical violence, economic violence, emotional violence, domestic violence, Harmful Traditional Practices, sexual violence and political violence. It penalises offences inflicting of physical injury, knowingly placing a person in fear of physical injury, stalking, substance attack, indecent exposure, among others.

Recently, VAW seems to be on the increase, as the media inundates us with such news. VAW is totally despicable, but the recent tactics of stripping the victim naked is abominable. Recently, Ms Comfort Emmanson, a passenger on Ibom Air had her breasts exposed to the whole world, during an altercation with the cabin crew. Another lady, Jennifer Elohor Edema was stripped naked by the Anambra State Vigilantes. Both acts constitute different forms of violence – physical, sexual, emotional, and economic, as well as cyber-violence. Physical violence is an act of physical aggression towards a woman or a girl, whether extreme or insignificant. VAPPA defines physical violence to include assault, harassment, etc. Circulated videos of the two incidents, showed physical assault on the ladies. They were both placed in fear of physical injury, while Jennifer suffered serious physical injury.

Sexual violence is the violation of a woman’s sexual integrity, and could be in the form of sexual assault of unlawful touching, striking, sexual harassment of unwanted persistent conduct of a sexual nature whether physical or verbal. From the circulated videos, Jennifer seemed to have been struck in different parts of her body, including her breasts and other parts, which amounted to unwanted sexual harassment. The videos could also affect them maritally, and since marriage is the official platform for the exercise of sexual rights in this part of the world, that act constitutes sexual violence.

Emotional violence is a pattern of humiliating conduct towards a woman or girl. It is a manifestation of power imbalance, wherein the perpetrator uses it to maintain control over the victim. In both cases, the exposure of their bodies was a way of ridiculing and insulting the ladies.

Economic violence, is the deprivation of economic resources. That act is capable of depriving them of means of livelihood. For instance, Comfort said in a video that she has been too ashamed to go about her business of real estate. Where they have no means of earning livelihood, they will be forced to be economically dependent on others.

Technological advancement saw videos of both incidents being spread on social media, constituting cyber-violence.

Treaty Ratification

Ratification of a treaty imposes on ratifying States, three obligations – duty to respect, duty to protect and duty to fulfil. With respect to the issue at hand, the duty to respect entails that Nigeria should, through actions and inactions, desist from interfering with women’s enjoyment of violence-free life provided in these treaties. It follows that State actors, agents and representatives of Government should not be caught in any act of violence against women. Jennifer Elohor was assaulted by agents of the Anambra State Government, and by the doctrine of vicarious liability, the act was done by the Government. It follows that, Government failed in its duty to respect. The duty to protect means that Nigeria should protect her female citizens, whether individually or in groups, from third parties who will interfere with their enjoyment of rights provided in these treaties by subjecting them to any form of violence. It does not matter, whether these third parties are private or public. These third parties are non-State actors and could be religious groups, business, cultural groups, schools and even families. It is the duty of Nigeria, to protect Comfort from the assault by staff of the airline.

The duty to fulfil is to the effect that, Nigeria must take a positive step in ensuring the enjoyment of these rights by Nigerian women and girls. In other words, Nigeria is expected to put its money where its mouth is, by taking some steps with regard to this issue. This step could be legislative, financial, among other measures. This will include enacting laws that will protect women and girls, as well as repealing existing ones that violate their rights; adopting female-friendly policies in different areas of life; eliminating cultural and social practices that negate these rights; increasing budgetary allocation for matters concerning women and girls; and establishing special courts to handle violation of their rights where necessary.

Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) (CFRN) and Gender Lenses

The essence of ratification of treaties is to replicate them in domestic laws so that citizens of States Parties to the treaties would enjoy the benefits; consequently, Nigeria is expected to domesticate these treaties by enacting domestic laws that reflect the provisions of CEDAW, UNDEVAW and Maputo Protocol. This could be in the form of a Women’s Act. Nigeria has no specific holistic law for women and girls, but has different laws dealing with issues of everyone including females. The question is, whether this is sufficient. The answer must be in the negative, because women have peculiar issues which can only be addressed when law makers wear gender lenses. Gender blindness in legislation, will always shortchange women. An instance is Section 42 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) (CFRN) which is the nondiscrimination section, prohibiting discrimination on six grounds of ‘particular community, ethnic group, place of origin, sex, religion or political opinion’. Though this section prohibits discrimination on the ground of sex which would imply discrimination on the basis of biological sex of male and female, yet the same section provides ‘(1) A citizen of Nigeria of a particular community, ethnic group, place of origin, sex, religion or political opinion shall not, by reason only that he is such a person…’ (Underlining mine for emphasis). The use of ‘he’ makes this same section discriminatory because, though it prohibits discrimination on the ground of sex, ‘he’ is a pronoun that covers only males, thus, neglecting females. If the nondiscriminatory section is discriminatory against women, it will not be surprising to find more specific women-discriminatory provisions in the CFRN. If the CFRN, being supreme, binding on all authorities and persons and the foundation of all laws and policies in the land is discriminatory against women, what can be said of other laws? The Bible in Psalm 11: 3 says ‘If the foundations be destroyed, what can the righteous do?’ in this instance, if the foundational document is discriminatory against women, what can Nigerian women do?

Other Laws and Gender Lenses

The VAPPA earlier discussed prohibits violence against everyone. It prohibits indecent exposure in Section 26. This is explained in the definition section to mean, ‘intentional exposure of the genital organs… with the intention of causing distress to the other party’. The videos of two incidents earlier discussed, where Nigerian ladies were assaulted, and their breasts revealed. While breasts are not primary genital organs, they are accessory organs of the female reproductive system, serving functional and sexual purposes in females. The videos distressed reasonable Nigerians. Being that VAPPA is gender blind, it penalises one that exposes her/his genitalia but not the person(s) who exposes the genitalia of another, as shown in the foregoing examples, this provision shortchanged these women whose breasts were exposed, thereby re-victimising them.

Further, the Criminal Code Act (CCA) in Section 353 describes the unlawful and indecent assault of a male person as a felony attracting 3 years’ imprisonment, while a similar offence on a woman or girl is a misdemeanour (a lesser offence) attracting only 2 years’ imprisonment. The distinction in severity of punishment seems to be based on the sex of the victims, implying that the provision protects male victims of indent assault better than female victims, despite the fact that researches have shown that most victims of indecent sexual assault are women.

Conclusion

The ripple effect of the discrimination fuelled by the evident female-based discrimination of Section 42 of the CFRN is visible in VAPPA, CCA and other laws and policies. It also manifests in victim blaming, inadequate responses from criminal justice institutions, as well as cultural and religious practices that normalise violence against women. It follows that if the CFRN had worn gender lenses, by removing the gender discriminatory language, other laws and practices would have followed suit and the discriminatory CCA provision on indecent assault against females would have been long amended. The gendering of VAPPA, would also have protected women and girls better.

Generally, violence against women is insidious making its prevention and eradication difficult, but the current trend of stripping female victims of violence is seriously begging for immediate, urgent attention, as it violates constitutionally guaranteed right to the dignity of human person which ordinarily means right to be treated like a human being. It also exposes the failure of the Nigerian Government to perform its treaty ratification obligations to CEDAW, UNDEVAW and Maputo Protocol of respect, protect and fulfil.

Uju Peace Okeke, Lecturer, Women, Children and the Law at the Faculty of Law, University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus

Confronting the Growing Trend of Indecent Assault on Women in Nigeria

Okechukwu Nwanguma

In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed an alarming rise in cases of indecent assault and public humiliation of women under the guise of enforcing discipline, punishing alleged misconduct, or delivering instant “justice”. Women are being beaten, stripped naked, paraded in public, and filmed for social media circulation. This dangerous phenomenon not only violates fundamental human rights, but also entrenches misogyny, deepens gender inequality, and undermines the dignity of Nigerian women.

Questions for National Debate

1. Why are women disproportionately targeted, for such degrading treatment?

2. How do we dismantle the culture of impunity, that emboldens both State actors and mobs?

3. Should Nigeria establish a special tribunal or task force to prosecute gender-based public humiliations?

4. What role can civil society, religious leaders, and traditional institutions play in shifting harmful cultural norms?

5. How can the media be mobilised to protect, rather than shame, victims?

Disturbing Case Studies

The ordeal of Miss Jennifer Elohor Edema, a Youth Corps member in Anambra State, illustrates the depth of this crisis. She was brutally beaten, her clothes torn, and dragged naked in public by operatives of Agunechemba, the State-backed security outfit. This barbaric act – committed against a young woman serving her country – is both a crime and an assault on Nigeria’s collective conscience.

Similarly, the Ibom Air incident involving Miss Comfort Emmanson, highlights how easily women can be humiliated and assaulted in public spaces for flimsy reasons. In both cases, women were not treated as citizens deserving of dignity and due process, but as objects to be subdued and shamed.

Tragically, such incidents are not isolated. Across Nigeria, countless unnamed women – accused of petty theft, quarrels, or perceived “misconduct” – have been stripped, flogged, and paraded before jeering crowds.

Why does this Happen?

Several factors sustain this disturbing trend:

1. Culture of Impunity – Perpetrators, whether security agents, vigilante groups, or mobs, rarely face consequences. This emboldens repetition.

2. Patriarchal Norms – Deep-seated cultural attitudes normalise violence against women, and justify public humiliation as “discipline”.

3. Unregulated Security Outfits – State-backed vigilantes often operate without training, oversight, or codes of conduct, descending into lawlessness.

4. Mob Justice Mentality – Communities normalise public humiliation, as a substitute for lawful justice.

5. Spectacle and Social Media – Recording and online circulation of women’s humiliation fuels further assaults, turning abuse into entertainment.

6. Weak State Institutions – A slow and indifferent justice system leaves victims without redress, perpetuating cycles of abuse.

The Legal Framework

Indecent assault and public humiliation of women are not only morally reprehensible, but explicitly unlawful under

Nigerian and international law:

1999 Constitution (as amended) – Section 34 guarantees the right to dignity and prohibits torture, inhuman, or degrading treatment.

Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act, 2015 (VAPP Act) – Criminalises all forms of violence, including sexual harassment, harmful traditional practices, and degrading treatment.

Criminal and Penal Codes – Prohibit assault, battery, and acts that cause harm or indecency.

CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights – Ratified by Nigeria, obligating the state to protect women from degrading treatment.

ACJA/ACJL – Provide frameworks for due process and lawful investigation, rejecting mob or vigilante “justice.”

Yet, enforcement remains weak, and perpetrators frequently escape justice.

The Human Cost

The consequences are devastating:

– Psychological trauma that can last a lifetime.

– Stigma and social ostracism, where victims are shamed instead of protected.

– Erosion of trust in State institutions, especially when perpetrators wear State uniforms.

– Perpetuation of inequality, silencing women, and reinforcing vulnerability.

What Should Be the State’s Response?

Nigeria must act decisively to halt this dangerous trend:

1. Legal Prohibition – Explicitly criminalise public stripping, parading, or indecent assault under Federal and State laws.

2. Accountability – Investigate and prosecute perpetrators, including security operatives and vigilantes.

3. Oversight of Security Outfits – Regulate, train, and monitor community security groups, in line with human rights standards.

4. Public Sensitisation – Launch national campaigns to dismantle patriarchal narratives that normalise the humiliation of women.

5. Support for Survivors – Provide legal aid, psychosocial support, and compensation for victims.

6. Institutional Strengthening – Empower the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), NAPTIP, and gender agencies to act swiftly in cases of abuse.

A Call to Action

The indecent assault and humiliation of women is not just a women’s issue – it is a national disgrace and a human rights emergency. It undermines the rule of law, weakens social cohesion, and perpetuates inequality.

Nigeria cannot claim to be a democracy, while its women are stripped of dignity in broad daylight. The cases of Miss Jennifer in Anambra and Miss Comfort on Ibom Air, must mark a turning point. They should galvanise us into creating a Nigeria where dignity is non-negotiable, and no woman is ever again dragged naked in the streets as punishment.

The time has come for all stakeholders – Government, civil society, religious leaders, traditional rulers, and communities

Okechukwu Nwanguma, Executive Director, Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Centre (RULAAC)

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Political Parties, Primaries, and the Courts

As the 2027 general elections get closer, this article by Festus Okoye examines the role of political parties with regard to the process of conducting primaries, from the screening of aspirants to the conduct of primaries, submission of lists of candidates to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and the role of the courts in pre-election matters that may arise therefrom, stressing that the role of the courts is limited

Introduction

Soon, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) will, in accordance with constitutional and legal mandates, announce the dates for the 2027 general elections, and release the timetable and schedule of activities for the conduct of party primaries. By Section 28 of the Electoral Act, the Commission shall, not later than 360 days before the day appointed for holding of an election under the Act, publish a notice in each State of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory stating the date of the election; and appointing the place at which nomination papers are to be delivered, and the notice shall be published in each constituency in respect of which an election is to be held.

Even before this announcement, the country is experiencing heightened political activity, exemplified by large billboards across the States of the Federation, promoting the virtues of various aspirants. The nation has seen the emergence of coalitions and subsequent coalitions. It has also witnessed mass defections from one party to another, unprecedented in Nigerian political history. Alignment and realignment of parties, have become common. Party leaders in some States have been dethroned, due to defections and repositioning. All these developments will influence the conduct of party primaries, across all political parties and formations.

It would be presumptuous to assume that existing political parties, as well as those that have applied for registration and those that will eventually be registered, will conduct seamless primaries strictly under the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the Electoral Act, INEC Regulations and Guidelines, INEC Timetables for primaries, party constitutions, and their guidelines. It is essential to analyse the constitutional, legal and administrative issues surrounding the conduct of party primaries, and to explore ways in which political parties can be encouraged to hold credible primaries.

Understanding the role of various organs within the party in conducting primaries, is equally important. Courts have, on several occasions, intervened to a limited extent in resolving issues related to party primaries. Reviewing what actions courts have previously taken, and what they should do to uphold party supremacy and prevent arbitrariness by party leaders is crucial.

The Screening of Aspirants

Political parties have the primary responsibility of determining who should be their candidate, in the various elections provided for under the Constitution and the Electoral Act. The screening process is provided, in their constitutions and party primary guidelines. It is their responsibility to clear aspirants with the right qualifications. The party may decide to adopt a zoning policy, for the various offices provided in the Constitution and the law. It may zone its presidential seat to a State, or geopolitical zone with a vote bank. It may zero in on a candidate who is charismatic, and can galvanise votes. Some aspirants may not like the screening process and may disagree with the party on the viability of a candidate and the politics of electability. At this point, aggrieved individuals cannot rush to the Courts to seek redress; the internal mechanisms of the party for dispute resolution must be exhausted. The party is required to act with fairness and professionalism.

Despite the voluntary nature of political parties, individuals who have made valuable contributions to the party cannot easily walk away and find a new home. There is a possibility that they will accept the verdict of the party based on fairness and equity in the decision. But when opaque decisions are taken and the basis is shrouded in secrecy, it contributes to the nomadic behaviour of the political elite, rendering political parties as simply vehicles for political power and no more.

Preparation for Party Primaries

Constitutionally, no political party can get on the ballot without conducting primaries to determine the candidate that the party should sponsor. That is the intendment of Section 65(2)(b) of the Constitution, and other corresponding provisions relating to other elective offices. They collectively provide that before a candidate can get on the ballot, the candidate must be a member of a political party and be sponsored by that party.

Ordinarily, the identification, screening of aspirants, and compilation of the names of those who will contest primary elections, as well as the conduct of primaries, ought to be the exclusive responsibility of political parties. That is the gravamen of political party formation and administration. Parties cannot continue to be spoon-fed and yet, pretend to be independent entities.

As the country proceeds to the 2027 general elections, the political parties must organise themselves and bid for political power. It is a well-known fact that sometimes conflict arises between the national and State branches of political parties, regarding who has the authority to conduct primaries for Governorship, National, and State Assembly elections. Occasionally, senior party members at the national level may disagree with grassroots members, over who can screen aspirants and oversee primaries. For some, in the power struggle, political parties are linked to financiers or party owners, and must bow to their influence. Sometimes, senior figures prefer to appoint aspirants rather than hold a transparent and accountable primary. Occasionally, the party informs the electoral management body of the venue for primaries and then unilaterally changes it, leaving party members stranded and confused.

Due to the challenges faced by nearly all political parties in conducting primaries, the National Assembly amended the Constitution to grant itself the power to make additional provisions regulating party primaries. Under Section 228 of the Constitution, the National Assembly may, by law, issue – (a) guidelines and rules to promote internal democracy within political parties, including laws for conducting party primaries, congresses, and conventions; and (b) confer powers on the Independent National Electoral Commission deemed necessary or desirable to enable the Commission to ensure that political parties uphold practices of internal democracy, including the fair and transparent conduct of primaries, congresses, and conventions; (c) provide an annual grant to the Commission for disbursement to political parties on a fair and equitable basis to support their functions; and (d) grant the Commission other powers it considers necessary or desirable to ensure political parties adhere to the provisions outlined in Section 228 of the Constitution.

The Conduct of Party Primaries

Given our unique political circumstances, political parties cannot hold or proceed with party primaries without notifying the Independent National Electoral Commission. According to Section 82(1) of the Act, every registered political party must give the Commission at least 21 days’ notice of any convention, congress, conference, or meeting organised for a “merger” and for electing members of its executive committees, other governing bodies, or for nominating candidates for any elective offices. Nevertheless, the Commission may, with or without prior notice to the political party, attend and observe any convention, congress, conference, or meeting convened by a political party to nominate candidates for an election at any level.

By Section 84(1) of the Act, a political party wishing to nominate candidates for elections must hold primaries for aspirants to all elective positions. The process for nominating candidates by political parties for various elective positions shall be through direct primaries, indirect primaries, or consensus. In the case of direct primaries, all registered members of the party shall vote for aspirants of their choice at a designated centre in each ward of the Federation, thereafter a special conventions or congresses shall be held to ratify the candidate with the highest number of votes at designated centres at the National, State, Senatorial, Federal, and State Constituencies.

For indirect primaries, the political party shall conduct its convention as outlined in the Act, and the aspirant with the highest number of votes cast at the end of voting shall be declared the winner, with the aspirant’s name forwarded to the Commission as the party’s candidate.

A political party that adopts a consensus candidate shall obtain the written consent of all cleared aspirants for the position, indicating their voluntary withdrawal from the race and their endorsement of the consensus candidate. A political party that is unable to secure the written consent of all cleared aspirants for a consensus candidate, shall revert to choosing between direct or indirect primaries for nominating candidates. A special convention or nomination congress shall be organised to ratify the choice of consensus candidates at designated centres at the National, State, Senatorial, Federal, and State Constituencies, as applicable.

The Submission of the List of Candidates

A political party is not under any compulsion to organise primaries, and submit a list of candidates to the electoral management body. It is a discretionary venture. A political party may decide to participate in a cluster of elections and abandon others. This discretion is circumscribed by Section 225(a) of the Constitution dealing with the de-registration of parties that fail to meet the threshold for existence. Political parties cannot manufacture any list and submit it to the Commission. Political parties must also conduct primaries before submitting a list of candidates to the Commission. The primaries must also be organised by the constitutionally and legally recognised organ of the party. And, by Section 29(1) of the Act, the list of candidates the party proposes to sponsor at the elections must have emerged from valid primaries conducted by the political party.

Party Primaries and Pre-Election Matters

Ordinarily, the Courts should have no involvement in the conduct of primaries by political parties. Members of the Judiciary do not belong to political parties, and political parties are meant to be groups of individuals who share a common ideology or set of principles, coalesced together under a common platform to seek political power. How they organise their primaries should be regarded as their internal affair, based on their strategies, structures, and tactics for winning elections. If they organise effectively and present good candidates, the Nigerian people may choose to vote for them.

In our context, possessing a good certificate does not necessarily guarantee a place on the ballot. A political party might target specific voters, and support aspirants from that area for particular positions. They may back the aspirant preferred by the ‘owners’, or ‘big money bags’ within the party. Alternatively, they might support a grassroots candidate who can secure a win, or one capable of unleashing maximum violence on the electoral process and winning by any means necessary. Regardless of the strategy adopted, the party must conduct primaries—be they direct, indirect, or by consensus. These primaries should be carried out by the responsible party organ, and the names of the validly nominated aspirants must be submitted as the party’s candidates.

The Courts and Party Primaries

Where do Courts fit in, when issues arise around the conduct of party primaries? Section 285(14) of the Constitution categorises the conduct of primaries and the submission of names of validly nominated candidates as a pre-election matter. “Pre-election matter” refers to any suit by— (a) an aspirant who claims that any provision of the Electoral Act or any Act of the National Assembly regulating the conduct of primaries of political parties, as well as the party’s guidelines for primaries, has not been adhered to by a political party concerning the selection or nomination of candidates for an election; (b) an aspirant contesting the actions, decisions, or activities of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) concerning their participation in an election, or alleging non-compliance with the provisions of the Electoral Act or any other relevant law by INEC in the nomination or candidate selection process; and (c) a political party challenging the actions, decisions, or activities of INEC disqualifying its candidate, or alleging non-compliance with electoral laws with candidate nominations, election timetable, voter registration, or other electoral activities leading up to an election.

The Courts have consistently clarified that political parties are voluntary associations of individuals who share the same fundamental ideology, or who pretend to share it, and have agreed to come together to pursue the goal of political power. As voluntary organisations, the Courts are neither empowered, nor have the authority (vires) to impose leaders on them or decide who their candidates in an election will be. It is the responsibility of the parties and their leaders to develop their winning strategies, and promote their vision of society to the voters.

Unfortunately, some political parties in Nigeria defy a clear definition; they do not behave like traditional political parties, and cannot be classified as such. Their only claim to being parties, is that they satisfied the constitutional and electoral thresholds for registration and candidate sponsorship.

Despite their shortcomings, the Courts have a limited role in the conduct of party primaries, and in determining who the party’s candidate should be. However, political parties must notify the electoral management body in advance of their primaries, and these primaries should be conducted by the recognised party organ responsible for that task. The primaries must take place within the constituencies and must be completed within the legal and electoral timeframe. Only party members as defined in the party’s constitution and the Electoral Act are eligible to contest and participate in the primaries, and the party is obliged to submit the name of the primary winner as the official candidate for election. It is the responsibility of the party to resolve internal disputes arising from the screening process and the conduct of primaries. The Courts can only step in in limited circumstances.

As illustrated in the case of Ambassador M. J. Abubakar Waziri v Peoples Democratic Party & Anor (2023) 7 NWLR (Pt. 1882) 57 at 97 and 105, the fundamental legal principle is that resolving internal disputes within a political party is solely a domestic matter; courts have no jurisdiction to intervene. The Supreme Court has emphasised that membership of a political party is voluntary and cannot be forced. It has also maintained that courts have no authority to decide who a party’s candidate should be, as long as the candidate is chosen through the proper process.

In P.D.P v Sylva [2012] 13 NWLR [Pt. 1316] 85, the Supreme Court reaffirmed that the sponsorship and nomination of candidates remain internal to the party. It held that the right to nominate or sponsor a candidate is a domestic and political matter, within the sole discretion of the party. A party member has no legal right to be nominated or sponsored by the party. Therefore, courts lack the jurisdiction to determine who a party should sponsor. However, Courts have the power to review whether the primary was conducted according to the party’s constitution and guidelines on a proper application by a candidate who participated and is dissatisfied with the proceedings. This is because courts will not tolerate arbitrary actions by political parties.

Conclusion

Political parties preparing for primaries and scheduling their elections must be properly guided to follow the party’s constitution, the guidelines for the conduct of primaries, and the stipulations of the Constitution and the Electoral Act. Acting arbitrarily and imposing candidates who did not go through valid primaries, can only lead to ‘wasted votes’.

Those who aspire to various offices, must accept that the party is supreme. The party decides who can win elections, during the screening process. Those who are uncomfortable with how a party is run, must recognise that it is a voluntary association and no one is compelled to belong to such a party. Any individual seeking a party operated on ideological grounds, with clear mechanisms of internal democracy, must find such a party and assist in building its structures. Those who benefit from the arbitrariness of godfathers in manipulating the screening and nomination process must also realise that godfathering is not an ideology, and the godfather may decide at any time to have another godson or goddaughter.

We must protect our courts from excessive involvement in the internal afwfairs of political parties, and members of the Bar must offer professional and ethical advice to their clients on the law and the Constitution.

Festus Okoye, Legal Practitioner, Former National Commissioner, INEC

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Tsoho, NBA President Call for Tribunals, Digitalisation, to Ease Judicial Burden

Nigeria’s Judiciary must embrace urgent reforms to deliver faster and fairer justice, the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, Hon. Justice John Tsoho, and the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) President, Mazi Afam Osigwe, SAN, have said.

Speaking at a recent legal forum, Justice Tsoho observed that most Judges are overburdened with caseloads and too quick to adjourn matters over minor procedural errors by Counsel. He proposed the creation of specialised or quasi-judicial Tribunals to ease the pressure on courts, citing successful models from other jurisdictions.

Tsoho also stressed the need for judicial digitalisation, warning that inefficiency remains a “great sponsor of corruption”. Recalling reforms in Abuja where digitising the affidavit system curbed longstanding abuses, he said: “Reform is not an option. Justice must be swift, just, and serve”.

NBA President, Afam Osigwe, SAN, echoed these concerns, particularly the need to reduce the volume of cases reaching the Supreme Court. He suggested restricting the Apex Court’s docket to major policy issues, rather than minor disputes, in order to safeguard efficiency and consistency in jurisprudence.

On access to justice, Osigwe flagged weaknesses in Nigeria’s pro-bono system. He proposed the establishment of a national support fund, and directed that NBA Branches create pro-bono desks to be run by young Lawyers under the supervision of volunteer Senior Advocates. He also condemned excessive bail conditions, which contribute to congestion in correctional centres, and decried corruption within court registries where bribes are often solicited for bail processing. Judicial officers, he urged, must act impartially and ensure justice for society’s most vulnerable.

Both Justice Tsoho and the NBA President agreed that a combination of specialised tribunals, reduced appellate bottlenecks, digitalisation, and strengthened pro-bono framework, would mark crucial steps towards a justice system that is more efficient, accountable, and accessible to all Nigerians.

Their calls add fresh urgency to the national conversation on judicial reform, amid growing demands from the public for a system that delivers timely outcomes and restores confidence in the rule of law.

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NBA Doubles Branch Remittance, Boosts Human Rights Funding at Enugu AGM

The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has approved a landmark amendment to its financial structure, doubling the share of Bar Practising Fees (BPF) allocated to its Branches.

At its Annual General Meeting (AGM) on August 28, held during the 67th Annual General Conference (AGC) in Enugu, members voted overwhelmingly in favour of increasing the remittance from 10% to 20%.

Under the new arrangement, half of the enhanced allocation of 10% of the total BPF, will be dedicated to funding Human Rights Committees at the Branch level. The move is expected to strengthen grassroots capacity in defending rights and promoting access to justice across the country.

The approval required amendments to key provisions of the NBA Constitution, governing financial distributions. It was one of several reform proposals unanimously endorsed by delegates at the AGM, signalling strong consensus on the need for deeper structural and institutional support within the Association.

Delegates described the development as a response to longstanding calls for greater Branch autonomy, improved funding for local activities, and stronger institutional backing for human rights advocacy. “This is a bold step that empowers branches to act as true defenders of justice in their local communities”, one participant noted.

The decision reflects a growing recognition within the Bar, that sustainable funding at the Branch level is essential to tackling pressing issues such as insecurity, violations of fundamental rights, and lack of access to legal services in underserved regions.

This year’s AGC, themed “Stand Out, Stand Tall,” attracted thousands of Lawyers, Judges, and legal scholars from Nigeria and abroad. Plenary and breakout sessions explored wide-ranging issues, including human rights, good governance, gender inclusiveness, alternative dispute resolution, and the justiciability of socio-economic rights.

With the financial amendment now approved, Branches of the NBA are expected to begin receiving the enhanced remittances in the next financial year, setting the stage for what observers describe as a new era of grassroots-driven legal advocacy within Africa’s largest Bar.

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The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has approved a landmark amendment to its financial structure, doubling the share of Bar Practising Fees (BPF) allocated to its Branches. At its Annual General
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Nigeria Targets 1,368 Firms in Landmark Data Protection Crackdown

Steve Aya

The Nigeria Data Protection Commission (NDPC) has launched sweeping investigations into more than 1,300 organisations suspected of breaching the Nigeria Data Protection Act (NDPA), marking the country’s most extensive enforcement move since the law was enacted in June 2023.

According to the Commission, a total of 1,368 organisations across key sectors including 795 financial institutions, 35 insurance companies, 392 insurance brokers, 136 gaming companies and 10 pension firms have been issued compliance notices. Each organisation has 21 days to provide evidence of adherence to the NDPA or face possible sanctions.

In a statement, Babatunde Bamigboye, Head of Legal, Enforcement and Regulations at the NDPC, warned: “The failure to comply with the compliance notice may result in enforcement actions, including issuance of enforcement orders, administrative fines, and/or criminal prosecution in accordance with the NDPA”.

The notices require companies to submit proof of filing compliance audit returns for 2024, appointment of data protection officers, technical and organisational safeguards for data protection, and registration as data controllers or processors of major importance. The NDPC says the measures are designed to strengthen public trust, and safeguard Nigerians’ fundamental rights in the digital economy.

Legal experts say the crackdown, though expected, signals a tougher approach by the Regulator. Sumbo Akintola and Timothy Ogele of Aluko & Oyebode observed that, while the Commission had announced “massive and proactive” enforcement for 2025, the decision to publish notices naming non-compliant entities marks a significant shift. “This change reflects a more assertive stance, signalling increased regulatory pressure on organisations to proactively ensure compliance”. The Lawyers also pointed to challenges faced by organisations, including operational delays and shifting regulatory guidance. They cited a 2024 court ruling that nullified parts of the Commission’s guidance on registering data controllers and processors of major importance, forcing many companies to reassess their compliance strategies. Similarly, a 2023 judgement voiding the NDPC’s whitelist on cross-border data transfers, created further uncertainty.

Despite these challenges, analysts believe the NDPC’s action is only the beginning. Sectors such as aviation, telecommunications, e-commerce, and healthcare—where large volumes of personal and sensitive data are processed—are likely to face similar scrutiny in coming months.

With the NDPA’s General Application and Implementation Directive set to take effect in September 2025, experts warn that this latest crackdown should serve as a wake-up call. “Given the uncertainty around the NDPC’s next line of action, this is a reminder for organisations to put their house in order”, Akintola and Ogele cautioned.

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Steve Aya The Nigeria Data Protection Commission (NDPC) has launched sweeping investigations into more than 1,300 organisations suspected of breaching the Nigeria Data Protection Act (NDPA), marking the country’s most
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