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Nigeria Must Build a Security System that Gets There First

Nigeria Must Build a Security System that Gets There First

This Rejoinder to Onikepo Braithwaite’s piece of 24/6/2025, “It’s Time to Arrest the Killings”, by Rear Admiral Bolanle Ati-John (Rtd), goes on to proffer numerous viable suggestions on how Nigeria can effectively fight its insecurity problem, including a heavy deployment of technology and the use of local regional forces who are familiar with their home terrains

Background: Onikepo Braithwaite’s Article 

Onikepo Braithwaite’s recent article, “It’s Time to Arrest the Killings”, is a critical and courageous intervention. She cuts through the comfortable, misleading language that has long softened the brutality of Nigeria’s security crisis. By calling out the phrase “communal clashes” as a lazy and dangerous euphemism, Braithwaite forces the nation to face what has been unfolding for years: a sustained campaign of terror, land seizure, and displacement that has devastated communities in Benue, Plateau, Kaduna, and beyond.

Her insistence that we must stop normalising these atrocities is both timely and necessary. The killings she describes are not random, they are not spontaneous, and they are not the inevitable by-products of social tensions. They are the result of deliberate attacks, predictable patterns, and a security system that consistently shows up after the fact.

But, if we are to truly arrest the killings – as Braithwaite demands – we must go even further. We must confront the brutal truth that, Nigeria’s security architecture is not just failing because it is under-resourced. It is failing because it is fundamentally designed to react, not to prevent. And, by the time our security forces react, entire villages have already been burned to the ground.

It is a deadly cycle that has played out with cruel precision, across Nigeria’s most vulnerable regions. The attackers plan, strike, and vanish long before security reinforcements arrive. The survivors bury their dead. Government officials issue condolences. Investigations are promised, but rarely concluded. Then the process repeats itself. We cannot continue like this.

If Nigeria is serious about protecting its people, it must now build a security system that gets there first. The era of helpless reaction must end. The era of intelligent prevention must begin.

Technology Must Lead the Way

The tools to make this shift, already exist. Nigeria does not have to invent them. Drone surveillance, satellite imagery, geofencing of high-risk rural areas, and mobile-based early warning systems are all practical, proven technologies. They have been used to monitor insurgencies in East Africa, to track poachers in Southern Africa, and to prevent village raids in fragile parts of South Asia. These are not luxuries. For a country as vast and vulnerable as Nigeria, they are essential.

In many of the attacks that Braithwaite describes, the warning signs were visible well before the violence. Suspicious movements, abandoned farms, the build-up of armed groups – all of these were detectable. But, Nigeria’s current security system lacks the capacity and the urgency to see them in time.

Imagine instead, a system where drone patrols monitor remote farmlands in real time. Where satellites flag unusual gatherings in forest corridors. Where villagers can issue distress signals through simple mobile apps that instantly trigger alerts to nearby security posts. This is not science fiction. This is basic modern security infrastructure.

But, technology alone, will not save us.

Security Must Go Local and Regional

Nigeria must finally abandon the dangerous illusion, that security can be centrally managed from Abuja. The Federal Government cannot possibly protect every farm, every village, and every highway in a country this large. Yet, for decades, Abuja has clung to near-total control of armed security forces, while leaving State and regional actors under-equipped and under-authorised. This approach is no longer sustainable.

The idea that States and local communities should play a primary role in their own defence, is not radical. It is common sense. State Governors, local leaders, and community-based security groups, are often the first to hear of impending threats. They have the terrain knowledge, the language fluency, and the trust of local populations – advantages that Federal forces rarely enjoy.

Structures like the Àmòtèkun Corps in the Southwest, Ebube Agu in the Southeast, and vigilante groups in the North, have already emerged out of sheer necessity. These groups are often the first responders, when Federal forces are absent or arrive too late. Rather than viewing them with suspicion, the Nigerian Government should formally recognise, regulate, and strengthen them.

To be clear, this is not a call for fragmented militias or for security structures to become political weapons. That risk is real, but the solution is not to paralyse local action – it is to build accountability into the system.

Regional security coordination, is the missing layer. Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones should serve as natural platforms, for security collaboration across State lines. Criminal networks, bandit gangs, and terrorist cells, do not respect administrative boundaries. Security responses should not be trapped by them.

Each region should develop its own security coordination centres, equipped to track threats in real time, to share intelligence rapidly across states, and to mobilise joint responses without waiting for Abuja’s green light. These regional hubs would not replace federal security forces but would work alongside them, combining federal resources with local speed and local knowledge.

This is how Nigeria builds a security system, that can get there first.

Funding: A Question of Priorities

One of the silent tragedies in Nigeria’s security failure, is the consistent excuse of insufficient funds. We hear it after every massacre. The security forces lacked fuel, lacked vehicles, lacked helicopters, lacked weapons. But, somehow, there is always enough money for bloated political entourages, for unnecessary capital projects, for obscene election spending.

Let’s be honest: budgets are moral documents. When a government claims it cannot find the funds to protect its citizens, what it is really saying is that protection is not a priority. The protection of life, must no longer be negotiable. If Nigeria can fund political campaigns that flood cities with billboards and charter flights, it can certainly fund regional security hubs, drones, and mobile alert systems. The country’s leaders must reorder spending, to reflect the true value of Nigerian lives. This is not a matter for international donors. The lives of Nigerians, should not depend on the goodwill of foreign partners. Nigeria has the resources. It has simply failed to apply them, where they matter most.

Guarding Against Abuse

Braithwaite warns, rightly, about the dangers of security failure. But, we must also be vigilant about the dangers of security overreach. Any system that invests heavily in surveillance and expands the role of local security forces, must come with strict guardrails. Nigeria cannot afford to trade one danger for another.

The abuse of surveillance technology is not hypothetical. Across Africa, we have seen spyware deployed against journalists, opposition figures, and human rights defenders. In Nigeria itself, concerns have been raised about the targeting of critics under the guise of security monitoring.

If Nigeria is to adopt security technologies, they must be designed and deployed with transparency from the start. Civilian-led oversight bodies, must monitor their use. Procurement processes must be open, competitive, and free from political interference. Data protection policies must be clear and enforceable.

The new security system must protect both the physical safety, and the democratic freedoms of the Nigerian people. We cannot build a shield for some, and a sword against others.

The Legal Ground is Solid

There is no constitutional barrier, to building the system Nigeria needs. The Constitution rightly prohibits States from forming independent armed forces, but it does not prevent the creation of well-coordinated, technology-driven, community-based security structures.

States can deploy surveillance tools, establish early warning systems, fund local security initiatives, and cooperate across regions without violating constitutional provisions. The obstacle is not legal. It is political. It is a persistent centralisation reflex, that resists giving States and regions the tools they need to act swiftly.

This is a failure of imagination. And, it is a failure of courage.

This is Not Abuja’s Battle Alone

The greatest mistake Nigeria could make, is to continue waiting for a Federal rescue that never arrives on time. Federal forces cannot be everywhere. They cannot hear every warning. They cannot respond to every threat, before it becomes a tragedy.

What Braithwaite’s intervention makes clear – and what must now be fully accepted – is that security in Nigeria is not the exclusive responsibility of the Federal Government. It is a shared responsibility. It is a multi-layered effort that requires Federal, State, regional, and community actors working in real-time collaboration. If Nigeria remains locked in its current security model, the results are predictable. More villages will fall. More lives will be lost. More families will grieve while the nation debates, investigates, and delays.

But, there is another path. Nigeria can build a security system, that anticipates danger. A system that uses technology to see threats, before they strike. A system that empowers local responders and regional coalitions, to act swiftly. A system that prioritises prevention over reaction. A system that is both accountable and effective.

The choice is clear. The clock is ticking. The lives that can be saved, are waiting. And, the courage to save them must no longer wait.

Rear Admiral K Bolanle Ati-John (Rtd)

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This Rejoinder to Onikepo Braithwaite’s piece of 24/6/2025, “It’s Time to Arrest the Killings”, by Rear Admiral Bolanle Ati-John (Rtd), goes on to proffer numerous viable suggestions on how Nigeria can

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‘State Police Is No Longer Academic; It’s Urgent’

‘State Police Is No Longer Academic; It’s Urgent’

Ebonyi State, located within the South East zone, is one of the 36 federating units of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Onikepo Braithwaite and Jude Igbanoi tracked down the Ebonyi State Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Dr Ben Uruchi Odoh, who is also the Chairman of Body of State Attorneys-General (BOSAG). He spoke on the steps Ebonyi State has taken to reform and modernise justice administration under his watch with the vision and support of Governor Nwifuru, making their State a trend-setter in this respect; how Ebonyi State was the only one in the South East that  didn’t  observe the unlawful Monday sit-at-home order imposed by IPOB, and his role as Chairman of BOSAG   

Hon. Attorney-General, did you set a clear agenda when you assumed office, one that aligns with the current realities and needs of the justice sector? If you did, kindly, share the highlights of your agenda. The argument is that without an activity plan, the AG may get distracted with the ongoings in Government, and maybe start to see themselves as the Lawyer of only the Governor, as opposed to also being the people’s Lawyer. How well have you balanced this? 

When I assumed office as Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice of Ebonyi State on June 20, 2023, I came prepared. I had no intention of continuing with old routines. I was fully aware of the gaps in our justice system – delays in case handling, poor access to legal services, and the general mistrust many citizens had for the system. So, I knew that without a clear and focused agenda, it would be easy to drift or be pulled in too many directions.

But, I didn’t start from scratch. I looked closely at the Governor’s vision – the People’s Charter of Needs – which places the welfare of the ordinary citizen at the heart of Government policy. It was clear to me that, the justice sector also needed to reflect that same commitment. So, we developed a plan of our own, and we called it the Charter of Justice – deliberately coined to mirror the Governor’s grand vision.

The Charter of Justice is not a slogan. It is the backbone of our work, at the Ministry of Justice. It is built on five practical goals, each one tied to real needs on the ground.

The first is, digitisation. We needed to fix the slow pace of justice and the mess created by outdated, paper-based systems. So, we launched the Ebonyi State Case Management System, which allows better tracking of cases, easier filing, and less delay. It helps people follow up on their matters without having to physically visit an office, or rely on vague updates.

The second is, access to justice. Many people, especially those in rural areas, don’t have Lawyers or even understand how the legal system works. Some are detained for months, or even years, without trial. We responded by setting up the Office of the Public Defender, a Citizens’ Mediation Centre, a Sexual and Gender-Based Violence Response Unit, and a new legal outstation in Afikpo. These are practical steps to bring justice closer to the people, especially those who cannot afford it.

The third is, building our team. We trained over 100 law officers in relevant areas like mediation, arbitration, and criminal law. We covered their Bar Practicing Fees – a first in the State. We sponsored their attendance at professional events, and built standard chambers for six prospective Senior Advocates from Ebonyi. This is because, a justice system is only as strong as the people who run it.

Fourth is, legal drafting and court work. We have drafted 34 Executive Bills, all signed into law. We’ve handled over 300 legal agreements, and concluded 166 criminal and 445 civil cases. These figures represent work done and justice served – not just paperwork.

The fifth is, national engagement. Since becoming Chairman of the Body of State Attorneys-General (BOSAG) in April 2024, I’ve taken steps to ensure that Ebonyi contributes meaningfully to legal reform nationwide. We’re working with LexisNexis on revising the laws of Nigeria, and have hosted key summits like the South East Policy Summit on Criminal Justice Reform. Ebonyi is no longer silent in national conversations; we are part of shaping them.

Now, to the second part of your question – how do I avoid becoming just the Governor’s Lawyer?

My answer is straightforward. I have never seen a conflict between supporting the government and serving the people – at least not under this administration. His Excellency, Rt. Hon. Francis Ogbonna Nwifuru, has given me both the independence and support needed to work professionally. He respects the rule of law. He allows room for honest legal advice, even when it involves hard truths.

So, I’ve drawn a clear line. I advise the Governor, but, always within the law. I represent the Government, but I do not cover up wrongdoing. I lead prosecutions, but, I insist they be fair and timely. Every legal action we take is measured against what is right, not what is politically convenient.

I do not serve personal interests. I serve the Constitution. I serve the people of Ebonyi. And, every decision I make must answer a simple question: “Is this just?”

That question has guided me from the beginning, and it still does today.

There are some key roles that a State Ministry of Justice is expected to play – upholding the rule of law, ensuring public safety, protecting the vulnerable, prosecuting crime, supporting the ease of doing business, and leading justice sector reforms. How well has your Ministry done in this regard?

This question speaks directly, to the reason I accepted the call to serve. Justice is not an abstract ideal, it determines whether citizens are heard or ignored, protected or forgotten. The Ministry of Justice exists to ensure that justice isn’t something people admire from afar, but, something they can tangibly experience. That has been our mission from day one.

We began by strengthening the rule of law. Every executive action is guided by sound legal advice, not politics. Even in difficult or politically sensitive matters, we’ve insisted on what is lawful; not just what is convenient. No one is above the law, and no one is beneath its protection.

In terms of public safety, we have prosecuted over 160 criminal cases and supported early dispute resolution through the Citizens’ Mediation Centre and the Ebonyi Multi-Door Courthouse, helping prevent minor conflicts from escalating.

We also launched the Office of the Public Defender to offer free legal representation to indigent persons, especially pretrial detainees. Hundreds of lives have already been impacted. Likewise, the Sexual Assault and Gender-Based Violence Response Department, now provides survivors with legal and emotional support.

To improve system efficiency, we deployed the Ebonyi Case Management System, and are now installing speech-to-text transcription tools in courts, in partnership with the PPDC (USA). This reduces documentation delays, and improves access to justice.

On the ease of doing business, our Ministry has reviewed over 300 legal agreements tied to State investments. We ensure contracts are fair, bankable, and enforceable. Notably, Ebonyi now has the Ebonyi State Investment Promotion, Investor’s Protection, Concession and Regulation Commission Law – a bold legal framework that removes uncertainty for investors and guarantees protections under law.

Because of these reforms, Ebonyi State is now the safest place to invest in the South East region. Legal confidence, investor protection, and peace of mind are not just promises; they are being backed by credible legal instruments and strong institutional will.

On justice sector leadership, we’ve revitalised key legal publications, hosted summits, and contributed nationally – especially through our leadership in BOSAG, and our partnership with LexisNexis South Africa on law codification.

Yes, there is more to do. But, today, justice in Ebonyi is visible, accessible, and strategic, and the Ministry of Justice is leading from the front.

You were recently elected as Chairman, Body of State Attorneys-General. What are the functions of this body, and how have you piloted the affairs of the body since you assumed office?

Yes, I was elected Chairman of the Body of State Attorneys-General (BOSAG) in April 2024. It is both a privilege and a serious responsibility, especially at a time when Nigeria’s justice sector is under pressure to deliver real change.

BOSAG serves as the official forum for State Attorneys-General, to discuss legal and policy matters affecting the States. We look at how Federal laws impact sub-national governments, coordinate responses to constitutional issues, and engage with national institutions like the National Assembly, the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, and the Federal Ministry of Justice.

Since assuming office, I’ve focused on making BOSAG more coordinated and results-driven. One key initiative is our partnership with LexisNexis South Africa, to support States in updating and codifying their laws. Many States still rely on outdated legal frameworks. With this partnership, we are helping modernise State laws to reflect current realities.

Though I hosted the South East Special Policy Summit on Criminal Justice Reform in November 2023 before becoming BOSAG Chairman, the event set the tone for regional collaboration. It tackled issues like prison congestion, delayed trials, and non-custodial sentencing. It also brought together justice actors to produce practical resolutions – a model we are now promoting at BOSAG.

We’re also building a shared legal reform hub, where States can access model legislation, policy drafts, and tested ideas, reducing duplication and saving time.

As Chairman, my role isn’t to lead others, but to coordinate, guide discussions, and help build consensus. BOSAG is a peer-driven platform, and I’m proud to work with colleagues who are deeply committed to building a more responsive and unified justice system across Nigeria.

The South-East has been a hotbed of violence and crime, based on the activities of IPOB. The sit-at-home order they imposed on citizens no doubt, has been received with circumspection. How has this impacted on justice administration in Ebonyi State? Has there been an upsurge in violent crimes in the State? What have you done about the unlawful imposition of Monday sit-at-home by IPOB? 

The IPOB-imposed Monday sit-at-home disrupted many sectors across the South-East, halting business, affecting schooling, and delaying justice. But, I must emphasise that Ebonyi State stands out as the only State in the South that never observed the sit-at-home order. This is not by chance. It is the result of the resolute leadership of His Excellency, Rt. Hon. Francis Ogbonna Nwifuru, who made it clear from the outset that Ebonyi would be governed by the Constitution, not by fear.

While there were initial disruptions – court appearances stalled, witnesses hesitated, and logistics for transporting inmates became complicated – the Governor’s firm stance created the atmosphere needed for us to push back, using both legal and institutional tools. We worked closely with the Judiciary to reduce Monday sittings for sensitive cases while reinforcing that the rule of law must prevail.

Security agencies received clear directives. Our Ministry held engagements with traditional rulers, town unions, and religious leaders to encourage civic resistance to unlawful directives. As Attorney-General, I issued formal legal advisories to reinforce that no individual or group has the right to override State authority. Law officers were protected, and we coordinated discreetly where needed, to keep legal processes running.

In terms of crime, Ebonyi has remained largely stable. We’ve not witnessed the spike seen in some neighbouring States. Incidents linked to separatist violence, have been dealt with swiftly. We have secured convictions for illegal possession of arms, threats to life, and attempts to enforce the illegal sit-at-home directive.

Justice cannot be held hostage by fear. In Ebonyi, we’ve chosen law over lawlessness, and we will continue to protect the right of every citizen to live, work, and seek justice without intimidation.

What are your views on State Police? Do you think it would provide the much needed panacea to the overwhelming increase in the crime rate across the country? How does your State propose to fund it, if it eventually becomes a reality? 

The debate around State Police is no longer academic; it is urgent. My view is clear: Nigeria needs a decentralised policing structure. The current model, where one Federal Police Force tries to serve a country as vast and diverse as ours, has outlived its usefulness. Crime today is more complex, more localised, and in some areas, deeply rooted in local conditions. We cannot expect one central institution, to respond effectively to threats that vary from Sokoto to Abakaliki.

State Police is not about competing with the Federal Police, or politicising law enforcement. It is about proximity, cultural awareness, and local accountability. A Police Officer serving in his or her own community understands the geography, the people, and the social dynamics. That familiarity builds trust, and improves intelligence gathering. It helps prevent crime, before it escalates.

In Ebonyi State, we are already laying the groundwork. Though State Police is not yet law, we are studying institutional structures and legal frameworks, to ensure we are ready. His Excellency, Rt. Hon. Francis Ogbonna Nwifuru, has already shown leadership through the Neighbourhood Watch programme, which we have helped formalise and support with legal backing.

Funding is, of course, a major concern. But, we believe the cost of insecurity is far greater than the cost of building a functional local force. We are exploring a multi-source model: State budget allocations, voluntary community security levies, public-private partnerships, and external support from donor agencies. This model must, however, be backed by transparency and strong oversight.

That said, State Police is not a magic solution. It must come with institutional reforms – better training, internal discipline, respect for rights, and protection from political misuse. If done right, it will not just mean more policing, but, better policing – the kind that is trusted, efficient, and responsive.

As Attorney-General and a former lecturer in criminal justice, I see this not as an experiment, but as a necessary evolution. Security is not a privilege. It is a right. And, the law must be close enough to protect every citizen.

It is on record that you specialised in Forensic law, criminal justice administration and lectured as Associate Professor at the Nigerian Police Academy, Kano. What are your thoughts on the prevailing insecurity in Nigeria? Why does it appear as if crime is beyond the control of security agencies?

This question is personal for me. I’ve spent years teaching criminal justice and forensic law at the Nigerian Police Academy and studying how crime works – and more importantly, how to stop it. So, I don’t speak only as a Government official, but also as someone who has trained many of the officers in service today.

Nigeria is facing a wide range of security challenges: terrorism, banditry, cultism, kidnapping, farmer-herder conflicts, and street crime. These aren’t random. They’re signs of deeper problems – poverty, youth unemployment, weak institutions, and lack of trust in government. In some areas, government presence is barely felt, so other actors try to fill that vacuum.

When people ask why crime seems out of control, I don’t think it’s because our security officers are lazy or incapable. Many are well-trained and committed. The real issue is that, they’re being asked to solve new problems with old tools. Crime has changed. Criminals now use technology, move quickly, and operate across regions. But, many of our security agencies still use outdated methods and lack proper equipment.

For example, some gangs now use drones and encrypted apps. Meanwhile, officers on the ground often lack fuel, basic forensic tools, or timely intelligence. There’s also a big gap in evidence gathering. Without good evidence, you can’t prosecute. And, without prosecution, crime becomes a revolving door.

This is why, in Ebonyi, we are working on reforming the full chain – from arrest to investigation, prosecution, sentencing, and rehabilitation. We’re also encouraging community policing and rebuilding trust between the people and the justice system.

No single agency, can solve insecurity alone. We need better collaboration – shared intelligence, joint operations, and mutual respect between the Police, Military, Civil Defence, and others.

Finally, we must treat the causes, not just the symptoms. Security means more than armed patrols; it means giving people a reason to believe in the system. That includes access to education, jobs, and justice. Without that, crime will always find a way in.

Magistrates are not well paid and their conditions of service are poor. What is happening to change this narrative in your State?

Magistrates are the backbone of our justice system. They handle the bulk of criminal and civil matters, and often serve as the first point of contact for citizens seeking justice. For too long, across the country, they have worked under conditions that failed to reflect the importance of their role.

But, in Ebonyi State, that narrative has changed, and I say this with confidence. Today, our Magistrates are not only respected; they are well remunerated. Their salaries and allowances are paid promptly, and deliberate efforts have been made to ensure their economic welfare aligns with the gravity of their responsibilities. We are proud to be one of the few States in Nigeria, where the welfare of Magistrates is treated as a top priority.

I must commend His Excellency, Rt. Hon. Builder Francis Ogbonna Nwifuru, for leading this transformation. In September 2023, he donated official vehicles to all Magistrates in the State. That move was not just symbolic, it was a concrete demonstration of value and respect. Before then, many Magistrates in rural jurisdictions relied on public transport, which affected both their dignity and court efficiency. Today, they have the mobility and visibility needed to discharge their duties with confidence.

As Attorney-General, I’ve worked closely with the Judicial Service Commission to improve conditions of service further. We’ve reviewed promotion structures, ensured equity in postings, and broadened access to professional training. Magistrates now benefit from workshops on ethics, case management, and emerging areas of law.

Our digital reforms – like transcription systems and digital case tracking – are being extended to Magistrates’ courts. We’ve also upgraded legal resource access and improved infrastructure, especially in underserved areas.

In Ebonyi, Magistrates are no longer overlooked. They are valued, well supported, and positioned to deliver justice effectively.

Many States and the Federation have embarked on law reforms. What is the state of Ebonyi State laws?

Law reform is not optional – it’s essential. A legal system must reflect current realities, and anticipate future needs. In Ebonyi State, we recognised early that outdated laws were holding back justice and development, so we made reform a top priority.

When I assumed office in June 2023, I directed a comprehensive review of the laws of Ebonyi State. We set up a dedicated team within the Ministry to examine existing statutes, identify outdated or conflicting provisions, and recommend needed reforms. Like many States, we found laws that had not kept pace with modern governance, human rights standards, technology, or business practices.

In response, we drafted and transmitted 34 Executive Bills, all of which have been passed into law. These cover areas such as public finance, environmental protection, anti-corruption, gender-based violence, and judicial reform. Each law was shaped through consultation with stakeholders, and designed to reflect the realities on the ground.

Beyond new laws, we’ve vetted and standardised over 300 legal agreements for State projects. This ensures that public contracts are legally sound, and protect the State’s interests.

We are also advancing into a second phase: codifying and publishing the Revised Laws of Ebonyi State. Through a partnership with LexisNexis South Africa, we’re digitising and indexing our laws to make them easily accessible. As Chairman of BOSAG, I’ve also promoted this model nationally.

We’ve launched the Ebonyi State Law Reports and revived the Ministry of Justice Law Journal, giving our courts and legal community consistent references for judicial reasoning.

Law reform also supports economic growth. By updating commercial laws and removing old barriers, we’ve created more certainty for private investors, and improved the ease of doing business in the State.

This is a continuous effort. We’re currently reviewing our criminal code, land laws, family law, and customary court procedures to align them with constitutional principles and modern realities.

In short, Ebonyi’s law reform agenda is active and forward-looking. We’re not just fixing old rules – we’re building a legal system that is clear, fair, and ready for the future.

Some States have digitalised their Judiciaries, including electronic filing and virtual hearings. Has Ebonyi State been able to catch up with other States in this regard?

Yes – and I’d go further to say Ebonyi State is not just catching up; we’re stepping forward as a leader in digital justice reform.

From the outset, we recognised that any justice system not embracing technology risks becoming slow, opaque, and inaccessible. That’s why digitisation has been central to our work, over the past two years. I must appreciate His Excellency, Rt. Hon. Builder Francis Ogbonna Nwifuru, whose “People’s Charter of Needs” has provided the strong foundation for these innovations.

A key milestone was the launch of the Ebonyi State Case Management System (CMS), a web-based platform which allows courts, law officers, and approved stakeholders to manage case files digitally, improving transparency, reducing delays, and limiting record loss.

Perhaps, our most remarkable step is the ongoing installation of speech-to-text transcription systems in five State High Courts and four rooms in the Abakaliki Custodial Centre. This project, being done in partnership with the Public and Private Development Centre (PPDC), United States of America, is designed to help Judges and Lawyers, by generating real-time transcripts – a major shift from manual note-taking to automated documentation.

We’re also rolling out electronic filing and virtual hearing systems, particularly for administrative or uncontested matters. Pilot programmes are underway in coordination with the Judiciary, and some courts now conduct preliminary hearings remotely. This reduces cost and saves time, especially for litigants in custody or rural areas.

Within the Ministry, we’ve digitised internal processes. Legal memos, opinions, and contract reviews now move through an e-Governance workflow, reducing paper use and speeding up decision-making.

But, we know technology only works when people know how to use it. That’s why we’ve focused on training Magistrates, law officers, and support staff. We’ve also expanded our digital reach to rural areas, including the Afikpo outstation, ensuring equity in access.

Yes, we still face challenges – from infrastructure to funding – but, with partnerships like PPDC’s and continued Government support, we are steadily closing the gap.

Ebonyi is building not just a modern justice system, but one that’s accessible, fair, and future-ready.

Thank you Honourable Attorney-General.

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Ebonyi State, located within the South East zone, is one of the 36 federating units of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Onikepo Braithwaite and Jude Igbanoi tracked down the Ebonyi State Attorney-General and Commissioner for

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Tinubu’s Forest Guard: Who Will Guard the Guard? (Part 2)

Tinubu’s Forest Guard: Who Will Guard the Guard? (Part 2)

Introduction

We started this series recently, with an x-ray of policy formation and its implementation, the constitutional status of forest vis-à-vis the States and the Federal Government, and later addressed the issue of policy Unitarianism in disguise, and also a review of indigenous security models and local recruitment of local guards. Today, we shall consider the challenges of evolving the rights and strategy between the forest and firepower; we shall then analyse the question: Are 

Between the Forest and the Firepower: Finding the Right Strategy

The Forest as Nigeria’s New Battlefield

Nigeria’s forests, once treasured for their ecological richness and environmental contributions, are increasingly viewed through the lens of national security. Spanning over 10 million hectares which is about 10% of the total land area of Nigeria, Nigeria’s forest reserves are now being infiltrated by violent actors and used as operational bases for bandits, insurgents, arms traffickers, and cross-border criminal networks. These reserves especially those in Kwara, Niger, Benue, Taraba, Zamfara, Kaduna, and Oyo have morphed into de facto war zones, where traditional policing is rendered ineffective and the military often finds itself in reactive mode.

One particularly troubling example is the Kainji Lake National Park, a protected area that spans the borders of Kwara and Niger States. Though it is officially under Federal protection, its vast and difficult-to-monitor terrain makes it a prime corridor for terrorist and bandit movements. According to security reports from the Nigerian Army’s 8 Division, several armed groups have taken advantage of the park’s proximity to Nigeria’s northwestern and central States to establish hidden bases, smuggle arms, and coordinate attacks.

Similarly, the Old Oyo National Park, which straddles Oyo, Kwara, and Niger States, has become a hotspot for criminal activity. Local intelligence from communities surrounding the park, indicates that bandit groups expelled from Zamfara and Katsina have found refuge in this forest. These criminal elements exploit the remoteness of the area and the absence of a permanent security presence, to regroup and launch attacks on nearby settlements.

Beyond national parks, numerous ungazetted forests especially in the Middle Belt serve as strategic hideouts for Fulani militia groups, foreign mercenaries, and rogue elements linked to organised crime. In Benue State, Governor Hyacinth Alia, has repeatedly warned of incursions by foreign terrorists allegedly linked to cross-border herder militias. The Upper Ogun Forest Reserve, a large forest block in Kwara, has also come under scrutiny, following reports that Mahmuda terrorist group members use it to transit between Nigeria and the Republic of Benin.

The implications of these developments, are profound. Without forest security, Nigeria not only risks losing its forests to environmental degradation, but also ceding large swaths of land to non-State actors, thus, turning forest reserves into breeding grounds for violent extremism. Yet, while the urgency to act is undeniable now, the quality of response matters more than its speed.

Deploying undertrained or poorly equipped forest guards into these volatile environments, would be akin to sending lambs into a lion’s den. The intelligence, terrain mastery, and firepower required in such engagements go far beyond the remit of conventional paramilitary forces. You cannot send men with shotguns, into a forest ruled by terrorists with RPGs. This is not hyperbole, it is a stark reality, backed by recurring video evidence of bandits showcasing sophisticated weaponry, satellite communication tools, and, in some cases, armoured vehicles.

Military Might vs Paramilitary Prowess: A Strategic Dilemma

At the heart of Nigeria’s forest security conundrum, lies a fundamental strategic mismatch. On one side is the proposal to deploy lightly armed forest guards; on the other is a threat landscape populated by insurgent groups with military-grade capabilities. Nigeria remains one of the most affected countries by terrorism, with Boko Haram, ISWAP, and multiple bandit groups shifting focus from urban bombings to rural forest insurgency.

Reports confirm that many of these groups are now entrenched in forests stretching from Zamfara to Taraba, taking advantage of limited surveillance and sluggish security response. These criminal outfits reportedly employ rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs), improvised explosive devices (IEDs), drones and night-vision equipment, a sophisticated arsenal far superior to the basic AK-47s or pump-action rifles many forest guards are expected to wield. This power disparity raises a serious question: Can forest guards, even in significant numbers, hold their ground against such adversaries?

A Desirable Narrative

The answer, quite evidently, is no, at least not alone. This does not render the forest guard model irrelevant, but it necessitates a reimagining of their role. Forest guards should not be conceptualised as primary combatants, but as intelligence operatives, terrain scouts, and first responders. Their role must be complementary, not confrontational, with local guards. Embedded within local communities, they are best positioned to detect unusual movements, provide early warnings, and assist in planning police or military interventions.

Such integration would mirror the highly successful model employed by the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) in the North-East, which supported the Nigerian military in combatting Boko Haram. The CJTF did not go to war with terrorists alone. Rather, they provided community intelligence, identified suspects, and enabled smoother military operations. The same should apply to forest guards. Deployed as community embedded liaisons, their greatest strength lies not in brute force but in proximity, familiarity, acculturation and adaptability. They must work in synergy with the local guards, Army, Police, DSS, and NSCDC, ensuring that information gathered at the grassroots level informs strategic planning at the Federal level.

Another vital element, is equipment and communication infrastructure. In many rural areas, mobile networks are poor, and emergency communication is non-existent. Forest guards should be equipped with satellite phones, GPS trackers, surveillance drones, and bodycams. Training must include combat survival, hostage negotiation, and tactical withdrawal protocols. It’s not enough to train them how to fight; they must also learn when, where and how not to fight.

The Path Forward: A True Federal Partnership

While President Tinubu’s forest guard initiative is ambitious and well-intentioned, its execution must be shaped by constitutional fidelity, operational pragmatism, and community trust. Nigeria’s diversity requires policies that are locally adaptive, but nationally coordinated. A strategic roadmap should therefore, include the following:

Legislative Reform and National Forest Security Act

This Act should define the parameters of forest security, across the Federation. It must empower States to create, manage, and control forest guard units while providing room for Federal assistance in the form of funding, training standards, and interoperability protocols with Federal security services. The Act should also clarify jurisdictional boundaries, ensuring there’s no operational conflict between Federal and State forces.

Indigenous Recruitment and Decentralised Command

Only indigenous recruits, drawn from host communities, should serve in forest guard units. This principle ensures language proficiency, cultural awareness, and community acceptance. State Governments, in partnership with local traditional rulers, should drive recruitment processes, with background checks vetted by local Police and DSS operatives. This will mitigate risks of infiltration by criminal elements.

Technology-Driven Surveillance Infrastructure

Equipping forest guards with modern tools is not optional; it is imperative. Drone surveillance, motion-triggered cameras, satellite-linked walkie-talkies, and forest mapping systems should be deployed. The National Space Research and Development Agency (NASRDA) and Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) can play a supporting role, in developing and deploying such technologies.

Strategic Federal Support, Not Operational Control

The role of the Federal Ministry of Environment and Office of the National Security Adviser must be clearly coordinative, not administrative. Federal agencies should support States through centralised training academies, logistics depots, and intelligence sharing platforms, but, the command structure should remain domiciled in State Ministries or specially created State Security Commissions.

Community Accountability and Oversight Boards

Every State should establish Forest Guard Oversight Committees composed of community leaders, the youth, civil society groups, religious figures, and security agencies. These committees will track operations, address complaints, and ensure that forest guards act within the bounds of law and ethics. Regular town hall reports and audits, should be mandated.

Integrate Environmental Protection and Counter-Insurgency Goals

One major flaw in Nigeria’s security strategy, is the siloed approach to environmental policy and national security. The forest guard initiative offers a unique opportunity to bridge this divide. Forest guards should be cross-trained in both environmental protection and tactical field surveillance, thereby serving a dual purpose: preserving Nigeria’s biodiversity, while countering environmental crimes that fund insurgent activities.

Illegal logging, poaching, and charcoal trading are multi-billion-Naira black-market economies that fuel insecurity in rural areas. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, environmental crimes in West Africa generate funds that are often funnelled to criminal cartels and armed groups. A forest security force that understands these dynamics, can better dismantle such networks.

It is imperative to partner with the Federal Ministry of Environment, Nigerian Conservation Foundation, and international organisations like UNEP, to embed environmental crime detection into forest guard training modules.

Establish a Centralised Forest Intelligence Command

Given the complexity of forest based criminal operations and their links to wider terrorism and transnational crime, it is essential to build a dedicated forest intelligence infrastructure. This unit, the Centralised Forest Intelligence Command (CFIC), should be a joint inter-agency platform bringing together the Police, NCDC, DSS, Military Intelligence, Nigerian Immigration Service, local guards and Forest Guard Commanders from each State.

CFIC would use advanced tools such as geospatial intelligence (GEOINT), signals intelligence (SIGINT), and drone reconnaissance to provide real-time threat mapping, track insurgent movements, and anticipate forest-to-urban migration of threats. Such an initiative would vastly improve response time, and prevent security breaches before they happen.

The CFIC should be integrated into Nigeria’s National Security Architecture under the supervision of the National Security Adviser, but operated through a State Federal coordination model with joint personnel and interlinked command centres.

Promote Cross-Border Forest Security Cooperation

Given that Nigeria shares porous forest borders with Benin Republic, Niger, Chad, and Cameroon, it is vital to recognise the transnational dimension of forest insecurity. Bandits and militants frequently move across these borders, exploiting weak surveillance and diplomatic inertia.

Nigeria must lead in establishing a Regional Forest Security Pact, in collaboration with ECOWAS and the African Union (AU) security platforms. This pact would promote joint patrols, shared intelligence, coordinated raids, and the establishment of joint forest monitoring stations in border regions like Borno, Taraba, Cross River, and Sokoto.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs should work with ECOWAS to initiate bilateral and multilateral forest security agreements, underpinned by joint training programmes and extradition protocols for forest-based offenders.

Conclusion

 Where the Trees Stand Tall, So too Must the Constitution

In the final analysis, Nigeria’s Forest Guard initiative under President Bola Tinubu offers more than just a policy experiment; it presents a litmus test for the country’s commitment to Federalism, local empowerment, administration and smart security strategy. The forests in question may be dense with trees, but the issues surrounding them are denser still: constitutional authority, operational viability, regional identity, and national unity.

We have seen how the forests have evolved from mere ecological zones into the dark sanctuaries of insurgents, traffickers, and mercenaries. We have seen how well meaning central interventions, if not delicately structured, can become bulldozers flattening both local agency and constitutional principles. And, we have seen how a locally grounded, technologically equipped, and constitutionally-compliant model can actually work transforming the forest guard idea from a controversial headline into a security legacy.

But, let us be clear, you do not fix a leaky roof by installing a chandelier. You do not solve rural insecurity, with a flood of centrally deployed gunmen unfamiliar with the peculiar terrain or the tongues spoken therein. Instead, Nigeria must adopt a model that blends local trust with Federal muscle, traditional knowledge with modern technology, and constitutional wisdom with operational pragmatism.

The forest is watching, as are the communities who live by it, feed from it, and now fear it. Let us ensure that the guardians we appoint are not strangers in camouflage, but sons and daughters of the soil; trained, trusted, and tethered to the trees they are sworn to protect. After all, if we cannot see the forest for the law, we may end up losing both. And, in that case, the trees would not be the only casualty left standing in silence; our Democracy may also be. (Concluded)

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Introduction We started this series recently, with an x-ray of policy formation and its implementation, the constitutional status of forest vis-à-vis the States and the Federal Government, and later addressed the

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• June 30, 2025
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Nigeria Keeps Flared Gas at 7.5% as Global CO2 Emissions Hit Record Highs

Nigeria Keeps Flared Gas at 7.5% as Global CO2 Emissions Hit Record Highs

Emmanuel Addeh in Abuja 

Nigeria’s oil and gas sector has managed to keep its flared gas at an average of  7.5 per cent monthly amid worsening global carbon emissions from the energy sector, which hit a record high for the fourth year running in 2024, THISDAY’s checks have shown.

Specifically, data from the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) showed that throughout 2024, the country stabilised the volume of gas flared at 7.69 per cent, while so far in 7.33 per cent.

But despite the energy transition conversation, fossil fuel use continues to rise, although renewable energy also grew to a record high, data from the Energy Institute’s annual statistical review of world energy showed. The Energy Institute’s is UK’s foremost chartered organisation for energy experts.

The report’s figures highlighted the challenge of trying to wean the world economy off fossil fuels, with last year being the hottest year on record, and global temperatures exceeding 1.5 C or 34.7 F above the pre-industrial era for the first time.

In the same vein, the world saw a 2 per cent annual rise in total energy supply in 2024, with all sources of energy such as oil, gas, coal, nuclear, hydro and renewable energy registering increases, which last occurred in 2006, the report said.

This led to carbon emissions increasing by around 1 per cent in 2024 and exceeding the record level set the previous year at 40.8 gigatonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent.

Of all the global fossil fuels, natural gas saw the biggest increase in generation, growing 2.5 per cent, while coal grew by 1.2 per cent to remain the largest source of generation globally, as oil growth was under 1 per cent.

A breakdown of the NUPRC data showed that in January, February and March last year, Nigeria’s gas flare was 8.28 per cent, 8.18 per cent and 7.64 per cent respectively. 

Besides in April, May and June, the gas flared was: 7.58 per cent, 7 per cent and 7.07 per cent and further decreasing to 6.84 per cent, 7.45 per cent and 7.15 per cent compared to the previous quarter.

Also, in the last quarter of 2024, the volume of gas flared was: 8.2 per cent, 7.97 per cent and 8.85 per cent respectively.

Besides, in the first four months spanning January to April, the percentage of gas flared was: 7.3 per cent, 7.8 per cent, 7 per cent and 7.2 per cent.

Nigeria, Africa’s top oil producer and home to some of the world’s largest gas reserves, has long struggled with the paradox of flaring vast volumes of natural gas while millions of its citizens remain without access to clean cooking or stable electricity.

The flared volumes, often a by-product of oil production in remote or underdeveloped fields, represent not just a climate concern but a colossal economic loss.

However, the 7.5 per cent flare rate suggests that the country’s efforts, anchored on regulatory tightening, monetisation incentives, and increased investor engagement are gradually making headway.

From a peak of over 2 billion standard cubic feet per day flared two decades ago, Nigeria’s consistency in keeping flare levels below 10 per cent for three consecutive years signals a shift in corporate behaviour and regulatory pressure.

Since the passage of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) in 2021, operators are now subject to stricter gas utilisation mandates and penalties for unlicensed flaring. Additionally, the government has awarded several flare gas commercialisation licenses to independent companies under a dedicated programme aimed at turning waste into wealth.

Under the Nigerian Gas Flare Commercialisation Programme (NGFCP), investors are offered access to flare sites through transparent bidding, with the promise of using captured gas for downstream purposes like compressed natural gas (CNG), liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), and electricity generation.

As per wind and solar energy, the report showed that it expanded by 16 per cent in 2024, nine times faster than total energy demand, the Energy Institute’s  said.

Analysts tracking progress said the world is not on course to meet a global goal of tripling renewable energy capacity by 2030 despite record amounts being added.

“Last year was another turning point for global energy, driven by rising geopolitical tensions,” Romain Debarre of consultancy Kearney, one of the authors of the report, said in a release.

“COP28 set out a bold vision to triple global renewables by 2030, but progress is proving uneven and despite the rapid growth we have seen globally we are still not at the pace required,” said Wafa Jafri, a partner at KPMG.

COP28 was the United Nations Climate Change Conference that took place in Dubai in 2023, at which countries signed a pact to transition away from fossil fuels in energy systems to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050.

Still, in Nigeria, despite the progress so far, challenges persist. Many of the country’s flare sites are in swampy or security-prone areas where infrastructure is poor and evacuation costs are high. Also, the lack of robust gas pipelines across production belts limits options for reinjection or monetisation. 

Despite these barriers, the relative stability in flare rates stands in stark contrast to the broader global climate picture.

The institute’s report also aligned with that by the International Energy Agency (IEA), which agreed that carbon dioxide emissions from energy use and industry reached an all-time high in 2024, driven largely by rebounding economic activity, increased air travel, and a slow global transition away from coal. 

While some advanced economies are cutting emissions, major developing countries continue to expand fossil fuel use to meet growing energy demand.

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Emmanuel Addeh in Abuja  Nigeria’s oil and gas sector has managed to keep its flared gas at an average of  7.5 per cent monthly amid worsening global carbon emissions from