Tinubu’s Forest Guard: Who Will Guard the Guard? (Part 2)

Introduction

We started this series recently, with an x-ray of policy formation and its implementation, the constitutional status of forest vis-à-vis the States and the Federal Government, and later addressed the issue of policy Unitarianism in disguise, and also a review of indigenous security models and local recruitment of local guards. Today, we shall consider the challenges of evolving the rights and strategy between the forest and firepower; we shall then analyse the question: Are 

Between the Forest and the Firepower: Finding the Right Strategy

The Forest as Nigeria’s New Battlefield

Nigeria’s forests, once treasured for their ecological richness and environmental contributions, are increasingly viewed through the lens of national security. Spanning over 10 million hectares which is about 10% of the total land area of Nigeria, Nigeria’s forest reserves are now being infiltrated by violent actors and used as operational bases for bandits, insurgents, arms traffickers, and cross-border criminal networks. These reserves especially those in Kwara, Niger, Benue, Taraba, Zamfara, Kaduna, and Oyo have morphed into de facto war zones, where traditional policing is rendered ineffective and the military often finds itself in reactive mode.

One particularly troubling example is the Kainji Lake National Park, a protected area that spans the borders of Kwara and Niger States. Though it is officially under Federal protection, its vast and difficult-to-monitor terrain makes it a prime corridor for terrorist and bandit movements. According to security reports from the Nigerian Army’s 8 Division, several armed groups have taken advantage of the park’s proximity to Nigeria’s northwestern and central States to establish hidden bases, smuggle arms, and coordinate attacks.

Similarly, the Old Oyo National Park, which straddles Oyo, Kwara, and Niger States, has become a hotspot for criminal activity. Local intelligence from communities surrounding the park, indicates that bandit groups expelled from Zamfara and Katsina have found refuge in this forest. These criminal elements exploit the remoteness of the area and the absence of a permanent security presence, to regroup and launch attacks on nearby settlements.

Beyond national parks, numerous ungazetted forests especially in the Middle Belt serve as strategic hideouts for Fulani militia groups, foreign mercenaries, and rogue elements linked to organised crime. In Benue State, Governor Hyacinth Alia, has repeatedly warned of incursions by foreign terrorists allegedly linked to cross-border herder militias. The Upper Ogun Forest Reserve, a large forest block in Kwara, has also come under scrutiny, following reports that Mahmuda terrorist group members use it to transit between Nigeria and the Republic of Benin.

The implications of these developments, are profound. Without forest security, Nigeria not only risks losing its forests to environmental degradation, but also ceding large swaths of land to non-State actors, thus, turning forest reserves into breeding grounds for violent extremism. Yet, while the urgency to act is undeniable now, the quality of response matters more than its speed.

Deploying undertrained or poorly equipped forest guards into these volatile environments, would be akin to sending lambs into a lion’s den. The intelligence, terrain mastery, and firepower required in such engagements go far beyond the remit of conventional paramilitary forces. You cannot send men with shotguns, into a forest ruled by terrorists with RPGs. This is not hyperbole, it is a stark reality, backed by recurring video evidence of bandits showcasing sophisticated weaponry, satellite communication tools, and, in some cases, armoured vehicles.

Military Might vs Paramilitary Prowess: A Strategic Dilemma

At the heart of Nigeria’s forest security conundrum, lies a fundamental strategic mismatch. On one side is the proposal to deploy lightly armed forest guards; on the other is a threat landscape populated by insurgent groups with military-grade capabilities. Nigeria remains one of the most affected countries by terrorism, with Boko Haram, ISWAP, and multiple bandit groups shifting focus from urban bombings to rural forest insurgency.

Reports confirm that many of these groups are now entrenched in forests stretching from Zamfara to Taraba, taking advantage of limited surveillance and sluggish security response. These criminal outfits reportedly employ rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs), improvised explosive devices (IEDs), drones and night-vision equipment, a sophisticated arsenal far superior to the basic AK-47s or pump-action rifles many forest guards are expected to wield. This power disparity raises a serious question: Can forest guards, even in significant numbers, hold their ground against such adversaries?

A Desirable Narrative

The answer, quite evidently, is no, at least not alone. This does not render the forest guard model irrelevant, but it necessitates a reimagining of their role. Forest guards should not be conceptualised as primary combatants, but as intelligence operatives, terrain scouts, and first responders. Their role must be complementary, not confrontational, with local guards. Embedded within local communities, they are best positioned to detect unusual movements, provide early warnings, and assist in planning police or military interventions.

Such integration would mirror the highly successful model employed by the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) in the North-East, which supported the Nigerian military in combatting Boko Haram. The CJTF did not go to war with terrorists alone. Rather, they provided community intelligence, identified suspects, and enabled smoother military operations. The same should apply to forest guards. Deployed as community embedded liaisons, their greatest strength lies not in brute force but in proximity, familiarity, acculturation and adaptability. They must work in synergy with the local guards, Army, Police, DSS, and NSCDC, ensuring that information gathered at the grassroots level informs strategic planning at the Federal level.

Another vital element, is equipment and communication infrastructure. In many rural areas, mobile networks are poor, and emergency communication is non-existent. Forest guards should be equipped with satellite phones, GPS trackers, surveillance drones, and bodycams. Training must include combat survival, hostage negotiation, and tactical withdrawal protocols. It’s not enough to train them how to fight; they must also learn when, where and how not to fight.

The Path Forward: A True Federal Partnership

While President Tinubu’s forest guard initiative is ambitious and well-intentioned, its execution must be shaped by constitutional fidelity, operational pragmatism, and community trust. Nigeria’s diversity requires policies that are locally adaptive, but nationally coordinated. A strategic roadmap should therefore, include the following:

Legislative Reform and National Forest Security Act

This Act should define the parameters of forest security, across the Federation. It must empower States to create, manage, and control forest guard units while providing room for Federal assistance in the form of funding, training standards, and interoperability protocols with Federal security services. The Act should also clarify jurisdictional boundaries, ensuring there’s no operational conflict between Federal and State forces.

Indigenous Recruitment and Decentralised Command

Only indigenous recruits, drawn from host communities, should serve in forest guard units. This principle ensures language proficiency, cultural awareness, and community acceptance. State Governments, in partnership with local traditional rulers, should drive recruitment processes, with background checks vetted by local Police and DSS operatives. This will mitigate risks of infiltration by criminal elements.

Technology-Driven Surveillance Infrastructure

Equipping forest guards with modern tools is not optional; it is imperative. Drone surveillance, motion-triggered cameras, satellite-linked walkie-talkies, and forest mapping systems should be deployed. The National Space Research and Development Agency (NASRDA) and Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) can play a supporting role, in developing and deploying such technologies.

Strategic Federal Support, Not Operational Control

The role of the Federal Ministry of Environment and Office of the National Security Adviser must be clearly coordinative, not administrative. Federal agencies should support States through centralised training academies, logistics depots, and intelligence sharing platforms, but, the command structure should remain domiciled in State Ministries or specially created State Security Commissions.

Community Accountability and Oversight Boards

Every State should establish Forest Guard Oversight Committees composed of community leaders, the youth, civil society groups, religious figures, and security agencies. These committees will track operations, address complaints, and ensure that forest guards act within the bounds of law and ethics. Regular town hall reports and audits, should be mandated.

Integrate Environmental Protection and Counter-Insurgency Goals

One major flaw in Nigeria’s security strategy, is the siloed approach to environmental policy and national security. The forest guard initiative offers a unique opportunity to bridge this divide. Forest guards should be cross-trained in both environmental protection and tactical field surveillance, thereby serving a dual purpose: preserving Nigeria’s biodiversity, while countering environmental crimes that fund insurgent activities.

Illegal logging, poaching, and charcoal trading are multi-billion-Naira black-market economies that fuel insecurity in rural areas. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, environmental crimes in West Africa generate funds that are often funnelled to criminal cartels and armed groups. A forest security force that understands these dynamics, can better dismantle such networks.

It is imperative to partner with the Federal Ministry of Environment, Nigerian Conservation Foundation, and international organisations like UNEP, to embed environmental crime detection into forest guard training modules.

Establish a Centralised Forest Intelligence Command

Given the complexity of forest based criminal operations and their links to wider terrorism and transnational crime, it is essential to build a dedicated forest intelligence infrastructure. This unit, the Centralised Forest Intelligence Command (CFIC), should be a joint inter-agency platform bringing together the Police, NCDC, DSS, Military Intelligence, Nigerian Immigration Service, local guards and Forest Guard Commanders from each State.

CFIC would use advanced tools such as geospatial intelligence (GEOINT), signals intelligence (SIGINT), and drone reconnaissance to provide real-time threat mapping, track insurgent movements, and anticipate forest-to-urban migration of threats. Such an initiative would vastly improve response time, and prevent security breaches before they happen.

The CFIC should be integrated into Nigeria’s National Security Architecture under the supervision of the National Security Adviser, but operated through a State Federal coordination model with joint personnel and interlinked command centres.

Promote Cross-Border Forest Security Cooperation

Given that Nigeria shares porous forest borders with Benin Republic, Niger, Chad, and Cameroon, it is vital to recognise the transnational dimension of forest insecurity. Bandits and militants frequently move across these borders, exploiting weak surveillance and diplomatic inertia.

Nigeria must lead in establishing a Regional Forest Security Pact, in collaboration with ECOWAS and the African Union (AU) security platforms. This pact would promote joint patrols, shared intelligence, coordinated raids, and the establishment of joint forest monitoring stations in border regions like Borno, Taraba, Cross River, and Sokoto.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs should work with ECOWAS to initiate bilateral and multilateral forest security agreements, underpinned by joint training programmes and extradition protocols for forest-based offenders.

Conclusion

 Where the Trees Stand Tall, So too Must the Constitution

In the final analysis, Nigeria’s Forest Guard initiative under President Bola Tinubu offers more than just a policy experiment; it presents a litmus test for the country’s commitment to Federalism, local empowerment, administration and smart security strategy. The forests in question may be dense with trees, but the issues surrounding them are denser still: constitutional authority, operational viability, regional identity, and national unity.

We have seen how the forests have evolved from mere ecological zones into the dark sanctuaries of insurgents, traffickers, and mercenaries. We have seen how well meaning central interventions, if not delicately structured, can become bulldozers flattening both local agency and constitutional principles. And, we have seen how a locally grounded, technologically equipped, and constitutionally-compliant model can actually work transforming the forest guard idea from a controversial headline into a security legacy.

But, let us be clear, you do not fix a leaky roof by installing a chandelier. You do not solve rural insecurity, with a flood of centrally deployed gunmen unfamiliar with the peculiar terrain or the tongues spoken therein. Instead, Nigeria must adopt a model that blends local trust with Federal muscle, traditional knowledge with modern technology, and constitutional wisdom with operational pragmatism.

The forest is watching, as are the communities who live by it, feed from it, and now fear it. Let us ensure that the guardians we appoint are not strangers in camouflage, but sons and daughters of the soil; trained, trusted, and tethered to the trees they are sworn to protect. After all, if we cannot see the forest for the law, we may end up losing both. And, in that case, the trees would not be the only casualty left standing in silence; our Democracy may also be. (Concluded)

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    *Says 400 dormant oil fields identified, quick actions to follow *N358.6bn remitted to host oil communities*Sahara Group targets 350,000 barrels per day oil production, acquires seven rigs Emmanuel Addeh in

    Uncertainty as US Delays on AGOA Renewal, UN Expresses Worry

    Uncertainty as US Delays on AGOA Renewal, UN Expresses Worry

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    There’s mounting uncertainty over the delayed renewal of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) by the Donald Trump-led US government, triggering concern from some quarters, especially the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).
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    “AGOA’s expiry could further hinder Africa’s industrialisation and export diversification. Since most US imports from AGOA-eligible countries already consist of fuels, metals, and agricultural raw materials, the end of the trade pact could further exacerbate commodity dependence.
    “Labor-intensive sectors, like apparel and agriculture, could be disproportionately affected, with negative repercussions not only on export diversification, but also on poverty reduction and women’s employment,” it stressed.

    If AGOA is not renewed, nine African countries will face an average US tariff of 15 per cent or more—up from just 3 per cent today, the report emphasised.
    “Small exporters specialising in apparel and agricultural products, such as Lesotho, Kenya, Cabo Verde, Madagascar and the United Republic of Tanzania, would be among the most affected, with average trade-weighted tariffs doubling to 20 per cent or higher.

    “This would imply that African exports to the US could face higher tariffs than those from many developed countries. As such, it would be at odds with the commitment to support developing countries’ integration into the global market,” UNCTAD said.
    According to the UN body, AGOA exports refers to the share of exports to the US eligible under AGOA and not total exports.

    Although through AGOA, Congress seeks to increase US trade and investment ties with the region, promote economic growth through trade, and encourage the rule of law and market-oriented reforms, the latest efforts to renew it have not been successful. There are currently 32 AGOA-eligible SSA countries, of 49 potential programme country beneficiaries.

    A US Congress document seen by THISDAY showed that in 2024, US AGOA imports totaled $8.0 billion, down 13 per cent from $9.3 billion in 2023. AGOA imports remain concentrated in a few countries and industries, but diversification has grown since the 2000s.

    Crude oil imports stood at $2.0 billion in 2024, and comprised 25 per cent of AGOA imports. Such imports peaked in 2011 with a value of $48 billion, but have fallen partially due to expanded US production. Nigeria was the top AGOA supplier of crude oil to the United States in 2024 ($1.6 billion).
    Non-energy imports in 2024 were valued at $6.0 billion. Top non-energy import categories include: Passenger vehicles ($2.4 billion), apparel ($1.2 billion), agricultural and food products ($949 million), base metals ($711 million), and chemicals ($251 million).

    In October 2024, the Nigerian government called for an extension of the AGOA beyond its 2025 deadline. Speaker, House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, made the call while speaking during the AGOA training workshop organised by USAID and Prosper Africa for stakeholders in Nigeria’s Textile and Apparel industry.
    Abbas said AGOA has been crucial in fostering trade and economic development between Africa and the United States by providing African countries access to US markets and allowing them to diversify their economies beyond raw materials.

    He, however, noted that even though Nigeria is a beneficiary of the policy and has great potential to capitalise on the opportunities, many Nigerian businesses remain unaware of the programme, thus limiting their chances of benefitting from it.

    Elsewhere, Kenyan President William Ruto said during the recently ended UN General Assembly: “I will be asking (Trump) for the US to consider seriously renewing and extending AGOA for at least a minimum of five years.” “It is a platform that connects Africa and the U.S. in a very fundamental way,” he added.
    AGOA-dependent industries likely employ some 1.3 million people whose jobs are now at risk — in countries where many people have few if any other options in the case of sudden unemployment.

    In Kenya, more than 66,000 people, many of them women, were employed through now-vulnerable textile and apparel exporters to the US. In the garment districts of Kenya’s bustling capital, job cuts and fears over livelihoods have already begun, it was learnt.

    ​  

    Emmanuel Addeh in Abuja There’s mounting uncertainty over the delayed renewal of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) by the Donald Trump-led US government, triggering concern from some quarters,

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