NASS, MIDTERM AND THE TASK AHEAD

By all metrics, the National Assembly has acquitted itself well, contends OPEYEMI BAMIDELE

Friday, June 13, marked the midterm of the 10th National Assembly, our country’s foremost parliamentary institution with far-reaching consequential powers. The occasion came only 24 hours after the commemoration of the 2025 National Democracy Day. The two national events, defining and historic in our national life, clearly remind us all of the significance of our 26-year unbroken democratic rule, the supreme sacrifice we have offered to end the reign of tyrants, our collective resolve to consciously nurture the government of the people and guarantee the centrality of the parliament to the growth of representative order.

But the road to the midterm has not been without turbulence. The turbulence is not by any means self-inflicted or a product of our own failure. Rather, it is the outcome of providing leadership at extremely challenging times when the course of national regression must be reversed and the path to greater future clearly charted in the overriding public interests of our people. At the 10th National Assembly, this has been our daily preoccupation since its inauguration 24 months ago.

Obviously, for reasons not unconnected to the country’s political dynamics, the National Assembly has come under sustained scrutiny from nearly all segments of our country – the opposition, civil society, professional bodies, organised labour, the media and youth groups or movement. They have even labelled us a rubber stamp in the hand of the executive or a lap dog of the Presidency at different times. They have, without any proof, claimed that we have betrayed the trust of the electorate.

Are these claims truly founded? Or are they another weapon in the hand of our die-hard opposition? Do they represent our country’s socio-economic and political realities? However, facts and figures do not support all these claims. First, as a matter of strategy, the 10th National Assembly deviated from the culture of confrontation and grandstanding that the previous assemblies had embraced in the discharge of its core mandates. As our history has shown, neither confrontation nor legislative grandstanding ever did our fatherland any service or brought about desired outcomes.

In those eras, grandstanding only bred frosty relations between the Presidency and National Assembly, and the people bore the brunt of that hostility. It also clogged the wheel of efficient service delivery, and governance then became a blight rather than a bliss. The lessons from these eras informed the decision of the 10th National Assembly to embrace strategic engagement and partnership in our pursuit of greater good for the greater number of our people. And we have consciously leveraged this instrument in the last two years without any prejudice to our constitutionally guaranteed independence, working with virtually all actors to create legal frameworks that guide the pursuit of our national aspiration.

This resolve further explains why we have been strategically collaborating with key public institutions, especially the Presidency, to defend the core interest of constituents; guarantee macroeconomic stability; promote internal cohesion as well as foster unity among ethnic nationalities that constitute our dear fatherland. Like never before, we have been utterly committed to this national assignment with a view to positioning Nigeria, the pride of black nations, not just for more notable regional and sub-regional roles, but also for global leadership.

Driven by this ambitious legislative aspiration convincingly scribbled in our revised legislative agenda, the 10th National Assembly has been discharging its constitutional mandates, working in synergy with other arms of government and nurturing a competitive, functional and viable federation that will no less work for all. As shown in all our legislative engagements, this has been our preoccupation since our inauguration.

From the National Social Investment Programmes Act, 2023 to the Student Loan (Access to Higher Education) Act, 2024; National Minimum Wage Amendment Act, 2024; Investments and Securities Act, 2025; Regional Development Commission (Establishment) Acts, 2025 and the Tax Reform Bills, 2024, no fewer than 108 legislations have either been newly enacted or successfully undergone amendment processes in the last two years. And each of these legislations addresses vital issues that directly or indirectly border on public interest.

The summary of our legislative engagements between June 2023 and June 2025 further reinforces the performance of the 10th National Assembly. In the Senate, for instance, at least 983 bills were introduced within the timeframe. While no fewer than 477 in the 2023/2024 legislative year, 506 bills were recorded in 2024/2025. This represents a 6.07% increase. In the 2023/2024 session, also, the Senate fully passed 25 bills into laws compared to 83 bills in 2024/2025, indicating a 232% leap above the figure recorded in the previous year. In 2023/2024, the Senate received and fully enacted at least 26 executive bills in 2024/2025, invariably accounting for a 100% upsurge.

Most specialists in Legislative Studies always measure the performance of the legislative arms worldwide based on the number of bills that were fully passed into laws and motions that were successfully resolved. No! This metric cannot be entirely correct. Our performance cannot be evaluated exclusively based on this mono-directional measurement, but by an eclectic method that takes into cognisance the core mandates of the legislature – lawmaking, oversight and representation. No doubt, laws are consequential instruments of governance, and their enactment requires a highly rigorous process that seeks to garner input from all critical stakeholders to avoid any form of conflict or misrepresentation at the stage of execution. But the mandates of the legislature include oversight, which takes place at different stages of legislative process and representation, which brings all our constituents to the nucleus of every legislative action.

Besides 108 bills that were fully passed into law within the timeframe, at least 464 private member bills were initiated in the 2023/2024 legislative year compared to 480 in 2024/2025. Currently, there are 89 bills awaiting first reading in 2023/2024 as against 135 in 2024/2025; 45 awaiting second reading in 2023/2024 contrary to 230 in 2024/2025; 215 appointments were confirmed in 2023/2024 compared 116 in 2024/2025 and 50 different petitions successfully resolved in 2023/2024 with 80 duly addressed in 2024/2025. These figures are a mirror for the true assessment of our performance, though do not entirely represent all our initiates and input aimed at putting our fatherland back on track.

Of immeasurable significance is the Student Loan (Access to Higher Education) Act, 2024. This Act has redefined access to education across all our tertiary institutions. Since the executive commenced its implementation, the number of dropouts has considerably come down nationwide. Its impact, whether direct or indirect, is a testament to the resolve of the federal government to invest in people. At least, as shown on NELFUND’s dashboard, at least 1,094,057 students have applied for the scheme. Of this figure, 563, 279 institutional loans have been granted while 530,773 upkeep loans processed. Without purposeful collaboration that culminated in the enactment of law that established it, the student loan scheme will not have come through.

Like the student loan, the Tax Reform Bills, 2025 are another testament to resolve to end the country’s fiscal challenge. The initiatives aim at far-reaching reforms that seek to eliminate structural inefficiencies in our tax administration; simply tax obligations for businesses and citizens; boost investors’ confidence in our economy and catalyse monumental growth across all sectors. Now awaiting the presidential assent, the bills have already gone though the full legislative cycle with potential to accelerate the country’s economic fortune from $363.8 billion to $1 trillion on or before 2030. We have done quite a lot in the pursuit of legislative excellence, though we are space-constrained to spell out all our legislative initiatives here one after the other.

As the second half of the 10th National Assembly kicks off in earnest, the task ahead is exciting as well as enormous. Now that we have resumed plenary, we are devoting much of our time to the pursuit of more consequential legislation that will significantly transform our socio-economic and political spaces. Our first priority purely centres on evolving legal frameworks that will further stabilise our fiscal and monetary spaces. Also, we further concretise our ground works that prioritise security of lives and strategic assets across the federation based principally on our conviction that every life is sacred and must be treated as such. Besides, we are committed to building a resilient and vibrant environment that will deescalate the country’s consumer price regime.

The quest for a more functional governance structure is likewise at the core of our legislative agenda. The reasons are not far-fetched. Our governance structure is inefficient. It is also lopsided. Thus, it can never guarantee accelerated economic growth that can bring about limitless collective prosperity. By implication, Nigeria can achieve, little or nothing, without tinkering with the country’s regressive governance structure that constrains the growth of our national wealth. Diverse bills that have been proposed for the purpose of amending the 1999 Constitution will help achieve our aspiration for a vibrant federation.

The process is already on motion. Next month, as designed in our calendar, zonal meetings of the Constitution Review Committee will kick off in all geo-political zones. The zonal meetings are consistent with our tradition of collecting input from our constituents. Unlike any dispensation in our history, the review of the 1999 Constitution offers us another opportunity to set our fatherland on the path to sustainable development. The review is designed to create, develop and evolve a more efficient, responsive and viable governance structure, whether with respect to the economy or security, politics or security, science or technology, agriculture or education. Its success is not automatic, but depends largely on the people to provide much-needed support that the National Assembly requires to carry out the task.

The reform of our electoral system is another commitment that preoccupies the minds of all legislators at the centre. And we have resolved to effect the reforms as soon as we can. Its essence, in the main, seeks to create an efficient and transparent system that will enhance the integrity of our electoral process. This is not just an assignment for the National Assembly alone. Rather, it is an obligation that demands the input of all Nigerians, educated or uneducated, female or male, old or young. Regardless of the place we come from, the faith we profess or the political ideology we embrace, Now is the time to work together as one indivisible people to build a federation that serves the interest of all.

Senator Bamidele CON, Leader of the 10th Senate, writes from Abuja

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    The Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Festus Keyamo, yesterday advised the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) against fielding either former President Goodluck Jonathan or former governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, as its presidential candidate in 2027.

    But the Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) has cautioned Keyamo, and other cabinet members to concentrate on their official duties and desist from dabbling into premature 2027 election permutations.
    The group warned that such reckless politicking undermined governance and could further aggravate the hardships faced by the Nigerian people.
    Keyamo, on X, contended that the opposition risked serious consequences in the upcoming election if it relied on Jonathan or Obi as its candidate.

    He said the PDP remained in a “non-enviable position” after failing to zone its 2023 ticket to the South, a decision he said cost the party support in its traditional strongholds in the South-south and South-east.
    The minister stated that nominating Jonathan carried a constitutional danger tied to section 137(3) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), which he suggested could bar anyone sworn in twice as president from contesting again.
    While creating several scenarios, Keyamo argued that if eventually Jonathan is barred by the court from running after nominations have closed, the PDP will be declared as having no candidate.

    He said: “One of its attractive targets as a Presidential candidate is ex-President Goodluck Jonathan, because of his purported eligibility to run for only one term. But, if he is fielded, the party runs the risk of not having a candidate at all by virtue of section 137 (3) of the 1999 Constitution (Fourth Amendment). The constitutional amendment was made after the court judgment which cleared him to run in 2015, so nothing is decided yet on that new amendment, hence I use the word ‘risk’ advisedly.

    “All the arguments as to whether the section can be interpreted to affect him will not be decided on social media, but at the Supreme Court. If he is barred from running after nominations have closed and the PDP is declared as having no candidate, nobody should scream ‘judiciary is corrupt’ because such a large party saw the judicial danger ahead and deliberately ignored it,” Keyamo, a senior lawyer maintained.

    He emphasised that if the PDP decides to field its most attractive South-west candidate, no other region of the country will vote for a fresh Yoruba candidate who would be eligible for fresh two terms in office, pointing out that the candidate will battle with the ‘well-oiled’ APC structures in the South-west.
    According to him, the same scenario will apply to Obi, arguing that the PDP is in a dilemma because it committed an ‘original sin’ in 2023 by lacking the balls to zone its presidential ticket to the South.

    He added: “If the PDP woos back Peter Obi, scenario three above will still apply to him, hence all his shout of serving one-term of recent. In addition, the principled ones amongst the ‘obidients’ will see him as going back to his vomit of ‘structure of criminality’ and may not be too vociferous in their support anymore.
    “The young social media warriors may lampoon anyone talking about these zoning sentiments, but that is the reality of our politics and it is not about to end. Except something extraordinary happens, the party may have to wait till 2031,” he maintained.

    He added that the party would bear responsibility if it ignored the legal risk and lost its candidacy after nominations closed.
    But HURIWA, in a statement, yesterday, described as insensitive and diversionary the long political commentary made by Keyamo on his X account, where he analysed the possible setbacks of the opposition PDP in the 2027 presidential election.

    HURIWA said it was disturbing that a sitting minister, entrusted with the crucial mandate of managing Nigeria’s aviation and aerospace development, could devote his time to speculative political analysis while millions of Nigerians were suffocating under crushing economic policies and failing public infrastructure.
    The group admonished President Bola Tinubu to call his cabinet members to order, stressing that ministers were appointed to rescue Nigeria’s collapsing economy and not to become political commentators or strategists for the ruling party.

    HURIWA noted with dismay that cabinet officials like Keyamo were neglecting their core responsibilities, thereby dragging the country back by over six decades through a combination of poor policy implementation and coordinated toxic taxation policies.
    According to the rights group, the present administration has presided over a regime of excessive levies and charges that discourage businesses, suffocate innovation, and kill off youth entrepreneurship.

    El-Rufai: Tinubu will Come Third in Presidential Election
    Still on the 2027 polls, a former Governor of Kaduna State and key member of the new African Democratic Congress (ADC), Nasir El-Rufai, has predicted that Tinubu will suffer a major humiliation in the 2027 election if he’s on the ballot, saying at best the President will come third in the first round of the election leading to a run-off without the president.
    El-Rufai who made this known on Channels TV yesterday,  urged Tinubu to learn from the experience of former President Goodluck Jonathan, who was defeated by the late President Muhammadu Buhari in the 2015 presidential election.
    He said: “If you want to engage in self-delusion, you are free to do so. I will not tell you how we are going to win, but I tell you very clearly — the worst-case scenario in the 2027 elections is that no winner will emerge in the first round.
    “We may have to go for a runoff, and Bola Tinubu will not be on the ballot for the runoff, because he will, at best, be third in the election. He has no pathway to win. I have done the maths, I have done the analysis; he cannot — he will, at best, be third.

    “But he can deceive himself; he may think, oh, you know, I have money, because they have taken all the money in the country, I have INEC, I have the police, I have the army. “It’s like those who say Tinubu has never lost an election. That can be contested, but it’s okay. He’s a political strategist, he’s this, he’s that. Wait!”
    He accused the President of mismanaging the economy, noting that 30 million more Nigerians had been impoverished in the last two years as a result of economic policy.
    El-Rufai, who fell out with Tinubu after his nomination as a minister was rejected by the National Assembly, insisted that he would have resigned if he was made a minister in the Tinubu administration.
    He said that serving as a minister under Tinubu was never his ambition, stating that Tinubu had begged him to join the cabinet but later changed his mind.

    “I would have probably resigned if I was a minister in Tinubu’s government. I had no desire to be a minister. I don’t care what people are saying now. I have been a minister when I was much younger,” he said.
    Besides, he accused the governor of Kaduna state, Uba Sani, of being behind the attack at the Kaduna ADC committee inauguration in Kaduna at the weekend. El-Rufai claimed that there was evidence that the state governor orchestrated the attack.
    He said: “I have evidence that Kaduna State Governor is behind Saturday’s attacks. I will submit evidence to the IGP and other authorities if they care to investigate.”

    El-Rufai who was instrumental to Sani’s emergence as Kaduna State governor in 2023, further said there was no dispute between him and the governor, declaring that Sani was never his friend.
    “I’ve not fallen out with the governor. No, he is not my friend. He was my boy, my mentee. We have not fallen out. I still don’t speak with him. My biggest pride in life is that I have encouraged and elevated many people to greatness, some even greater than me, and I am very proud of it.
    “ But when a person derails, when he doesn’t do the right thing, because I contributed to getting him there, I am prohibited from commenting? Is that what the country has become?”

    NSA Responds to El-Rufai’s Claim
    Meanwhile , the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) last night reacted to comments made by El-Rufai, in the television interview, where he alleged that the ONSA coordinates a policy of payments and offers incentives to bandits.
    “This claim is baseless. At no time has the ONSA, or any arm of government under this administration, engaged in ransom payments or inducements to criminals. On the contrary, we have consistently warned Nigerians against paying ransom. El-Rufai’s allegations are not only false but also contradict verifiable facts on ground,” the office said in a statement signed by Zakari Mijinyawa.

    The statement said that from inception, this government adopted a dual strategy: decisive kinetic operations alongside community engagements aimed at addressing local grievances.
    The result, the office led by Nuhu Ribadu, the National Security Adviser, said, is evident in areas such as Igabi, Birnin Gwari, Giwa, and other parts of Kaduna that once suffered untold terror  in Kaduna state but are now experiencing relative peace.
    “The efforts of our gallant military and security agencies in capturing or eliminating notorious bandits have been widely reported in the media. In Kaduna alone, known kingpins  who once terrorised residents such as Boderi, Baleri, Sani Yellow Janburos, Buhari and Boka, among others, were eliminated. Only recently, leaders of Ansaru who previously established bases in Kaduna were apprehended.

    “These successes came at a cost, some of our brave officers paid the supreme price. For a former governor of a state in person of El-Rufai to deny these sacrifices on national television is both unfair and deeply insulting to the memories of our security personnel.

    “We urge El-Rufai and all political actors to desist from dragging national security institutions into partisan battles. The fight against banditry is a collective struggle, not a platform for political point-scoring,” the ONSA added.

    The post Keyamo: PDP in Legal Risk Fielding Jonathan in 2027El-Rufai: Tinubu Will Come Third in Presidential Election appeared first on THISDAYLIVE.

    ​  

    * Accuses Uba Sani of disrupting ADC meeting in Kaduna  *NSA: Facts on fight against banditry disprove El-Rufai’s false claims Chuks Okocha, Olawale Ajimotokan in Abuja and Chinedu Eze in Lagos
    The post Keyamo: PDP in Legal Risk Fielding Jonathan in 2027El-Rufai: Tinubu Will Come Third in Presidential Election appeared first on THISDAYLIVE.

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